网络空间草根政治运动及其公共治理

网络空间草根政治运动是草根力量以维护其利益为目的,运用网络技术组织的抗争性集体行动。草根政治运动在网络空间兴起是社会转型时期贫富分化的结果,也是网络时代权力重新分配的结果。它的表现形式主要有网络政治动员、网络舆论批评监督、网络政治参与,它有利于国家-市场-社会关系的优化,也有利于国家治理的发展,同时也可能给政治秩序稳定带来极大的难题。因此,对网络空间草根政治治理必须坚持整体性治理原则,引导与规制并举,现实政治与虚拟空间治理并重,使网络空间草根政治运动成为社会主义民主政治的重要建设性力量而非颠覆性力量。     

The European Union in Sudan: A Missed Opportunity?

Abstract

International organisations active in Africa are often criticised for their ineffectiveness. So too is the European Union (EU), which is also accused of failing to assume a more prominent conflict management role in war-torn countries. This article examines the EU’s capacity and readiness to take on such a role in one such country, the former Republic of Sudan, home to Africa’s longest-running civil wars and the first ‘genocide’ of the 21st century. It begins by outlining the EU’s record in Darfur and the North–South Peace Process. Drawing upon 25 interviews and Hill’s ‘capabilities–expectations model’, it then questions whether the EU’s ‘capabilities’ (resources, instruments, unity) were ‘fit for purpose’ in Sudan’s hostile target setting. It concludes by identifying settings that have been more propitious for a conflict-related management function and by suggesting that the EU should better manage expectations about future security roles.     

Vernacular rights cultures and the ‘Right to Have Rights’

We use a case study of the Landless Workers Movement (MST) in Brazil and the Via Campesina network of which they are part to develop the concept of ‘vernacular rights cultures’. Vernacular rights cultures calls attention to the way in which demands for the right to have rights call on particular cultures, histories and political contexts in a manner that can transform the rights inscribed in constitutions and political imaginaries. What Ranciere (1999) and Balibar (2002) call the democratisation of democracy, we therefore argue, does not just involve a logic of equality and inclusion through which dispossessed groups demand already existing rights. Rather, it also occurs as mobilisations alter the means through which rights are delivered and transform the content and meaning of the rights demanded.     

毛泽东早期教育思想浅探

毛泽东早期教育思想产生在新旧思想文化、新旧教育体制大变革的历史背景中 ,具有鲜明的时代特征。其内容比较丰富 ,主要有 :改革学校教育现状 ;将学校教育与社会教育、家庭教育结合起来 ;提倡发展学生个性 ;重视体育 ,主张德、智、体全面发展 ;研究教育必须从中国现实出发。变革意识和探索精神是其核心成分     

从转型范式看近代三次变革及其启示

研究近代中国各种变革的理论范式有两种:"武装斗争的革命范式"和"现代化理论范式".笔者以为,还可以有第三种研究范式,即转型社会理论范式.在转型社会理论范式中,近代三次变革与当今改革具有一定程度上的共构性.近代三次变革所表现出来的经济改革与政治改革的脱节、权力资源的匮乏、无理又无节的症垢恰好也是当前改革开放应该极力避免而又极易堕入其中的问题.     

五四时期人权思想研究

五四启蒙者对于人权问题的不断探索是这一时期宪政思想的主要内容之一。五四前期的人权思想主要围绕着自由、平等、独立人格的主题,针对的是束缚中国国民个性与精神的封建礼教与专制独裁;五四后期的人权思想则在各个流派的争鸣中继续演进,体现出了更多的救亡图存的色彩。五四启蒙者将人权与宪法相联系,将人权与国权相比较,阐释了人权以自由为核心,以平等为前提的基本理念,体现出了知识界对国民个体权利的普遍关注。     

Lost Imperium: the European Liberation Front (1949-54)

In 1947, just two years after the fall of Nazi Germany, an American expatriate living in Ireland named Francis Parker Yockey wrote Imperium, a massive tome that advanced a new strategy for post-war European fascism. Yockey insisted that fascists abandon their narrow nationalist viewpoint and, instead, fight for a new European-wide fascist empire, which he dubbed the 'Imperium'. In 1948 Yockey and his closest collaborators left Oswald Mosley's Union Movement and founded the European Liberation Front (ELF), a British-based groupuscule that lasted until 1954. Rejecting the possibility of building a mass fascist movement in post-war Europe, the ELF defined its primary task as ideological: namely, the advancement of the 'Imperium' idea inside the ranks of Europe's 'fascist elite'. The ELF soon ran into stiff opposition from Mosley over Yockey's controversial identification of the United States, and not the Soviet Union, as Europe's 'main enemy'. The ELF also met with fierce resistance from Hitler worshippers inside the British right like Arnold Leese, who rejected the ELF's emphasis on 'culture' over 'race'. Despite the ELF's relatively brief existence as a groupuscule, its introduction of a new kind of 'Eurofascist' thinking has recently led to its rediscovery by contemporary European New Rightists now searching for a new political strategy following both the end of the Cold War and the emergence of the United States as the world's sole 'superpower'.     

新媒体在“太阳花学运”中的动员与支持作用

2014年3月18日,台湾部分反对两岸服务贸易协定的学生占领“立法院”,从而引发震动全岛的“太阳花学运”。学运组织者和参与者广泛利用新媒体传播工具来发布和散播反对意见,建构反服贸集体意识,建立学运动员网络,获取国际支持,筹措行动资源,支持各项行动的组织和管理,对于学运的发动和开展发挥了不可或缺的作用。本文首先阐述新媒体的传播特性及其社会应用,继而着重对新媒体在此次学运过程中的作用和影响进行分析,最后探讨新媒体本身所固有的局限性。     

Beyond left and right: the eclectic populism of the Five Star Movement

Abstract

Born in 2009, the Five Star Movement (FSM) has been one of the most electorally successful European populist parties since 2013. While its classification as a populist party is unanimously accepted, some have considered it close to left-libertarian positions, others as an anti-immigrant far right party, and still others have simply deemed it as unclassifiable. This article sets out to shed light on this question, using the official documents issued by the party since 2009, posts retrieved from Grillo’s blog during three electoral campaigns, and the opinions of the party’s supporters as expressed in three surveys in 2013, 2014 and 2016. Although displaying a clear anti-establishment identity, in economic terms it presents left-of-centre positions inconsistently mixed with more conservative proposals, while on the issues of citizenship and immigration, it has an elusive positioning, mixing national securitisation and international humanitarianism. The conclusions highlight the eclectic nature of FSM’s populism.     

文以载吾道:唐文标的“寻根”与伦理重建

本文通过梳理唐文标在20世纪60至80年代的思想路径,试图揭开唐文标在两岸文学、文化史上被遮蔽的先锋作用。从1960年代的“寻根”“回归现实”,到1970年代的“文以载道”“重建桃花源”,再到1980年代的“集体救赎”“伦理重建”,唐文标始终是台湾文学与现代文化敏锐的研究者和坚定的实践者。通过重新认识唐文标,我们得以重估保钓的精神遗产,重新认识台湾现代文学和文化史中走过的歧路和迄今悬而未决的问题。唐文标晚年从台湾民变史和中国戏剧史中看到建立适应时代的伦理秩序和文化制度的重要性和迫切性,实际是尝试从中华文明史的角度提出人的困境的解方。他一生的创作,正是实践自己“道”的写照。