Religion and the Scottish Independence Referendum

The Scottish independence referendum debate, like the Act of Union of 1707, has significant religious dimensions. The Act gave special recognition through the monarch to the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. The Church, a national church, has not yet declared a position on independence, but is seeking to protect its existing privileges whatever the result. The Roman Catholic Church, recognised by the Scottish Parliament, unlike its formal rejection by the UK Parliament and monarchy, symbolically associates itself with the case for independence. Paradoxically, Catholics supporting independence subject themselves, in their religious lives, to an authoritarian foreign power. The SNP Scottish Government attempts to draw Roman Catholic support for independence from its traditional support base in the Labour Party by cultivating a sense of religious grievance that is not justified by the evidence. Old religious divisions are still relevant but non‐religion is growing fast and resulting in new perspectives on the independence debate.     

The Third Way: the Dutch experience

The Third Way in the Netherlands rests upon the institutionalized co-operation between the trade unions, the employers' organizations and the state. During the period of high unemployment in the 1980s this co-operation led to several agreements to moderate wage costs and to reduce statutory working hours with the object of reducing unemployment. In the 1990s,when labour became scarce, new measures were agreed upon to increase participation in the labour market and to boost productivity. Critics of the agreements suggest that the policies adopted by the socio-economic partners in the 1980s, particularly the moderation of wages and the reduction of work time to create more jobs, have a negative effect on the long-term prospects of attaining higher productivity.     

The normalizing role of rationalist assumptions in the institutional embedding of neoliberalism

The political economy of Britain over the past three decades provides an interesting example of the consolidation, normalization and institutionalization of a new economic paradigm – neoliberalism. As such, it serves as a potentially instructive focus for debate both about the conditions under which economic paradigms are replaced and consolidated and the evolution of such paradigms through the process of institutionalization. In this paper I suggest that the institutionalization of this new economic paradigm has been associated with the shift from a normative to a normalized and necessitarian neoliberalism. I examine the role played by rationalist assumptions in this extended process of normalization-institutionalization. After presenting a stylized account of the evolution of British neoliberalism, I show how New Labour's monetary policy regime is the heir to the legacy of monetarism and its agenda of labour-market reform is the heir to Thatcherism's supply-side economics. I suggest that the time-inconsistency thesis and the business school globalization thesis have played an equivalent role, for New Labour, to that played for the new right by monetarism and supply-side economics in legitimating neoliberalism. In this way neoliberalism has been normalized. In the final sections of the paper I reflect on the implications of the normalized and necessitarian character of neoliberalism in Britain for its contestability and for democratic economic governance more broadly.     

In the shadow of the pharaohs: the militarization of labour debate and classical Marxist theory

This article considers the Bolsheviks’ proposals to militarize labour. While concerned ostensibly to secure a steady supply of disciplined labour during the civil war, this was clearly seen as a means to effect a transition to communism. Labour militarization was understood as an instrument to suppress commodity production, which would help usher in a new form of socialized labour. The theoretical roots of this policy can be found in Marx's writings on commodity production and ideology. Although Marx believed that the commodity form would be overcome through endogenous structural developments, there is no reason to suppose the forceful suppression of commodity production cannot produce the same outcome.     

Community grain banks and food security of the tribal poor in India

Given the context of failure of many of the programmes aimed at providing food security for tribal communities, this paper deals with the question, can grassroots-level experiments like community grain banks provide food security for the tribal poor? This paper examines the working of community grain banks established by Bapuji Rural Development and Enlightenment Society (BREDS) in India and concludes that community food grain banks demonstrate as an effective mechanism to ensure food security for the tribal poor, especially those who were excluded from the reach of government programmes.

Banques de céréales communautés et sécurité alimentaire des pauvres tribaux en Inde

Étant donné le contexte d’échec de nombre des programmes visant à assurer la sécurité alimentaire des communautés tribales, cet article traite de la question suivante : les expériences au niveau de la base populaire comme les banques de céréales communautaires peuvent-elles assurer la sécurité alimentaire des pauvres tribaux ? Cet article examine le fonctionnement des banques de céréales communautaires établies par la Bapuji Rural Development and Enlightenment Society (BREDS) en Inde et conclut que les banques de céréales alimentaires se révèlent être un mécanisme efficace pour garantir la sécurité alimentaire des pauvres tribaux, en particulier ceux qui ont été exclus de la portée des programmes gouvernementaux.

Bancos comunitarios de granos y seguridad alimentaria de las etnias pobres de India

Tomando en cuenta el contexto de fracaso de muchos programas dirigidos a proporcionar seguridad alimentaria a las comunidades étnicas, el presente artículo plantea la interrogante en torno a si experimentos realizados a nivel de base, como los bancos comunitarios de granos, ofrecen seguridad alimentaria a las etnias pobres. En este sentido, el artículo examina el desarrollo de los bancos comunitarios de granos establecidos por la Sociedad para el Desarrollo y la Iluminación Rural de Bapuji (breds) en India. Las conclusiones indican que dichos bancos constituyen un mecanismo efectivo para garantizar la seguridad alimentaria de las etnias pobres, especialmente de aquellas que habían sido excluidas del alcance de los programas gubernamentales.

Bancos comunitários de grãos e segurança alimentar de comunidades tribais pobres na Índia

Dado o contexto do fracasso de muitos dos programas destinados a oferecer segurança alimentar para as comunidades tribais, este artigo lida com a seguinte questão: experimentos de base, como os bancos comunitários de grãos, fornecem segurança alimentar para as comunidades tribais pobres? Este artigo examina o funcionamento de bancos comunitários de grãos criados pela Bapuji Rural Development and Enlightenment Society (BREDS) na Índia e conclui que os bancos comunitários de grãos de alimentos mostram ser um mecanismo eficiente para garantir a segurança alimentar para as comunidades tribais pobres, especialmente para aquelas que estavam fora do alcance de programas governamentais.     

Fertility differential by husbands' occupational status and income in Dhanbad district,Jharkhand, India

The paper attempts to find out fertility differential by husbands' occupational status and income level in Dhanbad district, Jharkhand (India). The mean number of children ever born (MCEB) is used to measure fertility, and monthly income as the income variable. Older and younger cohorts of women were examined separately for assessing fertility differential. MCEB was found to be high for women with husbands employed as labourers with a low monthly income. This was true for both the cohorts, but fertility levels were much higher among the older cohort. Low MCEB was found with increasing income of husbands and for those in private jobs.

Différence de fécondité en fonction du statut professionnel et du revenu des maris dans le district de Dhanbad, Jharkhand, Inde

Cet article cherche à établir des différences potentielles sur le plan de la fécondité en fonction du statut professionnel des maris et de leur niveau de revenu dans le district de Dhanbad, à Jharkhand (Inde). Le nombre moyen d'enfants par femme (NMEF) est employé pour mesurer la fécondité, et le revenu moyen comme variable de revenu. Des groupes de femmes jeunes et plus âgées ont été examinés séparément pour évaluer la différence sur le plan de la fécondité. On a constaté que le NMEF était élevé pour les femmes dont les époux travaillaient comme ouvriers et percevaient un revenu mensuel faible. Il en était ainsi des deux groupes, mais le degré de fécondité était beaucoup plus élevé parmi les membres du groupe des femmes plus âgées. Un NMEF plus faible a été constaté parmi celles dont les maris avaient des revenus supérieurs ou occupaient des postes dans le secteur privé.

Diferencial de fertilidade pela condição ocupacional dos maridos e renda no distrito de Dhanbad, Jharkhand, Índia

O artigo visa descobrir o diferencial de fertilidade em razão da condição ocupacional dos maridos e nível de renda no distrito de Dhanbad, Jharkhand (Índia). O número médio de crianças nascidas (MCEB) é utilizado para medir a fertilidade, e a renda mensal como variável de renda. Grupos de mulheres mais velhas e mais novas foram examinados separadamente para se avaliar o diferencial de fertilidade. O MCEB encontrado foi alto para mulheres com maridos empregados como trabalhadores com baixa renda mensal. Isto ocorreu em ambos os grupos, mas os níveis de fertilidade foram muito mais altos entre o grupo mais velho. Um baixo MCEB foi encontrado com a renda crescente dos maridos e para aqueles em empregos privados.

La diferencial de fertilidad según el reconocimiento profesional y los ingresos de los esposos en el distrito de Dhanbad, Jharkhand, India

Este ensayo busca establecer la diferencial de fertilidad según el reconocimiento profesional y el nivel de ingresos de los esposos en el distrito de Dhanbad, en Jharkhand, India. El número promedio de hijos nacidos (NPHN) se utilizó para medir la fertilidad y se estableció la variable de ingreso de acuerdo al ingreso mensual. Se examinaron por separado grupos de mujeres, jóvenes y mayores, para evaluar la diferencial de fertilidad. Se determinó que el NPHN era alto para las mujeres cuyos esposos trabajaban como obreros con ingresos mensuales bajos. Esta situación prevalecía en ambos grupos de mujeres, pero los niveles de fertilidad eran más altos para el grupo de mayor edad. Un NPHN bajo se asoció a esposos con ingresos más altos o con un empleo en el sector privado.     

Fair enough? Fair Trade and the quality of life amongst Bolivia's indigenous women artisans

This paper examines whether Fair Trade improved the quality of life for Fair Trade women artisans and their communities in Bolivia's high Andes. Grounded in the work of Amartya Sen and ethnographic study, Fair Trade is explored as a form of justice rooted in women's individual freedoms and capabilities. The intellectual merit of this paper is to examine how Fair Trade bridges women's participation in globalisation and development. The broader scope is to create a dialogue around the ethnic feminist experience and private enterprise to expand the understanding of Fair Trade as economic development.

Assez équitable ? Le Commerce Equitable et la qualité de la vie parmi les femmes-artisans indigènes en Bolivie

Dans cet article il s'agit d'une évaluation de l'amélioration dans la qualité de vie des femmes-artisans engagées dans le Commerce Equitable et de leurs villages aux Hautes Andes de Bolivie. Le Commerce Equitable, basé sur l'?uvre d'Amartya Sen et sur des études ethnographiques, est examiné comme une forme de justice enracinée dans les libertés et les aptitudes personnelles des femmes. Le mérite intellectuel de cet article est d'examiner la façon dont le Commerce Equitable englobe la participation des femmes dans la mondialisation et dans le développement. Son déploiement est de créer un dialogue autour de l'expérience féminine et de l'entreprise privée pour mieux comprendre le développement économique du Commerce Equitable.

¿Bastante justo? El comercio justo y la calidad de vida entre las artesanas indígenas de Bolivia

El presente artículo analiza si el comercio justo mejoró la calidad de vida de las artesanas y de sus comunidades en los Andes de Bolivia. Fundamentado en el trabajo de Amartya Sen y en distintos estudios etnográficos, el comercio justo se considera como una forma de justicia surgida de las libertades individuales y de las capacidades de las mujeres. El mérito intelectual de este artículo radica en analizar cómo el comercio justo vincula la participación de las mujeres con la globalización y con el desarrollo. Su objetivo más amplio consiste en generar un diálogo en torno a las vivencias étnicas feministas y a la iniciativa privada, cuyo fin es profundizar la comprensión que se tiene del comercio justo como una vía para el desarrollo económico.

Justo o suficiente? O Comércio Justo e a qualidade de vida entre as mulheres indígenas artesãs da Bolívia

Este artigo examina se o Comércio Justo (Fair Trade) melhorou a qualidade de vida de mulheres artesãs do Comércio Justo e de suas comunidades nos altos Andes da Bolívia. Tendo como referência o trabalho de Amartya Sen e estudo etnográfico, o Comércio Justo é explorado como forma de justiça baseada na liberdade e capacidade individual das mulheres. O mérito intelectual deste artigo é examinar como o Comércio Justo estende a participação das mulheres na globalização e desenvolvimento. O escopo mais amplo visa proporcionar um diálogo sobre a experiência feminista étnica e empresa privada para aumentar a compreensão do Comércio Justo como desenvolvimento econômico.     

Britain's Wages Crisis—Is ‘Predistribution’ or ‘Redistribution’ the Way Forward?

Is ‘predistribution’ as championed by Ed Miliband, or old fashioned ‘redistribution’ as adopted, if stealthily, by Labour from 1997, the best way to create greater equality? Some critics have argued that a strategy of predistribution—aimed at closing the income gap before the application of taxes and benefits—would not work and that it will be necessary to rely mainly on redistribution. This article examines the potential impact of weak and more radical predistribution‐style measures on one of the key drivers of inequality—‘wage compression’. It examines the potential of a mix of policies for raising the wage floor. It argues that reliance on traditional redistribution would face its own set of constraints and that creating a more equal distribution of the cake, before taxes and benefits, is a necessary condition for lowering the risk of continuing economic crisis.     

What can we Learn from the First Major Statement of Labour’s Economic Policy under Keir Starmer?

Labour’s Shadow Chancellor, Anneliese Dodds, recently set out the first major exposition of economic policy under leader Keir Starmer. Covering a lot of ground, she gave insights into current Labour thinking on macro and micro policy. Much of the speech was aimed at emphasising the fact that Labour would be ‘responsible’, an attempt to reassure voters as well as markets. But there is plenty of room for radical approaches within this framework, so exactly what this all means for practical policy is still to be determined.     

The Laffer effects of a program of deregulation cum detaxation: the Italian reform of labour contracts in the period 1997–2001

We examine the Laffer effects of the policy of social security tax reduction cum partial deregulation of labour market undertaken in Italy in the period 1997–2001. Laffer effects of tax cut are generally delayed and governments responsible of the reform cannot benefit from the resulting increased revenues when in office. Our empirical findings show that tax cuts combined with policies of liberalization determine almost immediate Laffer effects. In terms of coherent supply-side political programs, the effects of the two measures are not separable. Reflection on our results may broaden the scope of the supply-side policies of deregulation and detaxation.