Trade liberalisation,rural poverty,and the environment: global discussions and local cases

Much has been researched and said about the impacts of international trade liberalisation at the country level; but little is known about its social and environmental local-level impacts. Since national averages can mask the existence of winners and losers, national-level studies may be a poor guide to addressing the plight of the rural poor and the environment that are at the core of the agenda of the social and conservation movement. This article compares the international trade-liberalisation debate with the findings of local rural-based case studies in seven countries, co-ordinated by WWF and the World Bank during 2004–2007. It discusses some actions that the conservation and social movement could take to improve the discussion and the practice of trade liberalisation, poverty alleviation, and environmental conservation.     

Informality and Circumscription: The Blair Style of Government in War and Peace

In the latest of his periodic 'overflights' of the Blair style of government since 1997, Peter Hennessy examines the significance of the 2004 Butler Report (on intelligence and weapons of mass destruction prior to the Iraq War) for Tony Blair both as war premier and also as an indicator of his governing practices in general. He concludes that the Cabinet's overall performance on the road to war was seriously inadequate, and is especially critical of its failure to test out fully the Attorney General's opinion in the legality of the war.     

Islands of the Mind: New Labour's Defensive Engagement with the European Union

This article reviews the cumulative development of New Labour's attitude and strategy towards the EU since the late 1980s and argues that the first two New Labour governments' approach to the EU represented a distinct retreat from the 'constructive engagement' and social democratic philosophy of Tony Blair's early modernising phase, moving steadily to occupy a much more traditional British position of 'defensive engagement', mixing national preferences with Atlanticism, and resisting further political integration in favour of traditional 'intergovernmentalism'. It is further argued that New Labour's prioritisation and preferencing of a UK institutional and political economy based upon economic liberalisation, the preservation of key aspects of national sovereignty, and maintaining Atlanticism as the bedrock of Europe's external foreign and defence policies have left Britain almost as far from the true 'heart of Europe' as when Blair inherited office from John Major in 1997.     

布莱尔第三条道路理论探析

本剖析了流行于当今英国的第三条道路理论的思想渊源及其与历史上一度出现过的其他第三条道路的本质区别。章指出,布莱尔等人所竭力鼓吹的“新”第三条道路的“新颖之处”就是一条把自己定位于两个极端之间的道路,即新自由主义和社会民主之间的中问道路。和其他的道路相比,“新”第三条道路既持有相似的言辞,又有内容上的实质差别。第三条道路所宣称的四大支柱(社区、责任、义务和机会)在历史上已出现过多次,它实际上是自由论、保守主义思想、社会主义成分等思想的混合物。工党从提出自我更新,实现现代化到最终第三条道路的出笼,其实质是放弃了社会主义的价值取向。第三条道路理论的许多内容及其所涉及的概念模糊不清、模棱两可,因而也难以实施清晰的政策措施。新工党还将继续进一步作出选择,进行未来的思想构造。     

In the name of ‘underdeveloped’ Adibashi: the politics of NGOs and the Munda in Bangladesh

This paper aims to unpack the politics of NGO activism with the Munda – a minority Adibashi group in Bangladesh. In addition to offering microcredit, NGOs launched educational and awareness building programmes for the Adibashi. Most notably, the Munda are not content to blindly follow the instructions of NGOs – namely, to get educated, find a white-collar job, and develop identity politics – to improve their socio-economic and political positions. Rather, there is growing awareness among the Munda to gather knowledge, which helps them to consciously educate themselves to undertake new activities to improve their condition by interacting with wider society.

Au nom des Adibashis « sous-développés » : les dimensions politiques des ONG et des Mundas au Bangladesh

Cet article cherche à analyser les dimensions politiques de l'activisme des ONG auprès des Mundas – un groupe minoritaire d'Adibashis au Bangladesh. En plus de proposer des microcrédits, les ONG ont lancé des programmes éducatifs et de sensibilisation destinés aux Adibashis. L'aspect le plus remarquable est que les Mundas ne veulent pas suivre aveuglément les instructions des ONG – à savoir suivre une éducation, trouver un emploi dans un bureau et développer des convictions politiques auxquelles s'identifier – afin d'améliorer leur situation socio-économique et politique. Au lieu de cela, on observe une prise de conscience croissante parmi les Mundas qui les pousse à rassembler des connaissances, ce qui les aide à s'éduquer consciemment afin de pouvoir entreprendre de nouvelles activités leur permettant d'améliorer leur condition en entrant en interaction avec la société dans son ensemble.

En nombre de los adibashi “subdesarrollados”: las políticas de las ONG y los munda en Bangladesh

El presente artículo pretende desmenuzar las políticas que sustentan las acciones llevadas a cabo por las ong con los munda –un grupo minoritario de adibashi en Bangladesh. Además de ofrecer esquemas de microcrédito, las ong impulsaron programas educacionales y de concientización para los adibshi. Sin embargo, cabe hacer notar que los munda no se conforman con seguir ciegamente las instrucciones de las ong –centradas en la educación, en encontrar un empleo de “cuello blanco” y en desarrollar políticas de identidad– para mejorar su situación socioeconómica y política. Por el contrario, entre los munda existe una creciente conciencia acerca de la necesidad de acumular conocimientos que les ayuden a educarse conscientemente, lo que les permitirá emprender nuevas actividades que mejoren su situación relacionándose con la sociedad más amplia.

Em nome da comunidade “subdesenvolvida” de Adibashi: as políticas de ONGs e do Munda de Bangladesh

Este artigo visa examinar as políticas do ativismo de ONGs com o Munda – grupo minoritário Adibashi em Bangladesh. Além de oferecer microcrédito, as ONGs lançaram programas educacionais e de conscientização dos Adibashi. Sobretudo, o Munda não está disposto a seguir cegamente as instruções das ONGs – isto é, estudar, encontrar um emprego administrativo e desenvolver políticas de identidade – para melhorar suas posições sócio-econômicas e políticas. Em vez disto, há uma conscientização crescente entre os participantes do Munda para obter conhecimento, que os ajude a ensiná-los conscientemente para que realizem novas atividades para melhorar suas condições através de uma interação com a sociedade mais geral.     

Predictions,Pollification, and Pol Profs: the ‘Corbyn Problem’ beyond Corbyn

It has been noted that UK political punditry has a ‘Corbyn problem’: an underlying hostility to the Corbyn project and its supporters. As the Corbyn era draws to a close, we take stock and argue that the Corbyn problem was never fully ‘about’ Corbyn. Instead, it was the outward manifestation of a conjunction of tendencies present in contemporary UK politics: the prominence of a relatively small group of ‘intensely involved’ individuals driving dominant political discourse; the inability of traditional purveyors of broadcast media coverage to adapt to contemporary political currents and an unwillingness to self-reflect on possible biases in their approach; and the ‘pollification’ of election campaign coverage, aided by mainstream political scientists stereotyped in the figure of the ‘Pol Prof’. Combined, these tendencies are hostile to left-wing political actors and movements. They will not disappear with Corbyn and may even intensify as their structural underpinnings strengthen further.     

Sen’s capability approach and microcredit: lessons from a Malaysian case

This article examines a case study from Malaysia, the Credit Union Malaysia, to illustrate how the capability framework and institutions have practical value within the scope of microcredit, and how the constraints that the disadvantaged face can be relaxed through the use of microcredit. The capability approach provides an analytical framework to describe how a microcredit scheme can overcome the problems posed by conversion factors in order to enlarge the space of capabilities available to individuals.     

How democratic decentralisation facilitates,sustains, and interrupts market-driven development in India

Democratic decentralisation has emerged as an instrument to implement market-driven development, and elected bodies now extend commercial inputs for commodity production and link households to firms. However, the nature of market-driven development under this condition is understudied. This article focuses on an Indian case where, while access to market inputs was shaped by political capital with elected leaders, narrowing market participation, leaders – now market intermediaries – fostered trust in firms, helping sustain market participation. Conflicts over electoral politics interrupted market production. Markets rely on state institutions and are intertwined with politics, contrary to market proponents’ claims that markets stand above society and are unmediated spaces of exchange.     

Participatory modelling and development practice: artisanal fishers in Nicaragua

Development plans with insufficient knowledge about local realities, and that do not share technical or planning details with the target communities, bedevil development practice. This study used a form of participatory modelling in three fishing communities in Nicaragua to enable fishers to explore their economy and the potential impacts of fishery-based development projects. Co-designing a model of the fishing economy in the form of a board game created a forum in which facilitators and participants could arrive at a shared understanding of local fishing practices and the costs and benefits of strategies for addressing the fishers’ priorities.     

A comparative study on legal frameworks of work and family reconciliation in Mozambique and Tanzania

ABSTRACT

This paper analyses legal frameworks designed to reconcile work and family responsibilities in Mozambique and Tanzania from the perspective of ILO standards. Three labour laws are explored, the Mozambique Family Law 2004, the Mozambique Labour Law 2007, and the Tanzania Employment and Labour Relations Act 2004. ILO standards have encouraged both countries to become better equipped for working families to reconcile their work and family responsibilities. Their legal frameworks, however, remain below ILO standards, especially in parental leave and childcare services. The paper finds the root cause of such low compliance from a number of historical junctures, including a historical hangover from colonial regimes, social development policies and structural adjustment policies. The paper suggests a stronger commitment by the Mozambique and Tanzania governments’ and active involvement of civil societies to reshape the patriarchal political economy and promote gender equality in both public and private spheres.