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81.
Linda Martz 《Women's history review》2020,29(6):1000-1015
ABSTRACT In the decades before World War One, a group of women fought for their right to control their own futures, claiming that their governance was in the hands of men whose interests lay in keeping women subservient. Initially articulated by an educated, middle-class few, the women's demands were embraced by widening numbers of both women and men. They saw their hopes dashed on several occasions by political manoeuvring, and only after WWI did their demands begin to be met. This is not an account of the women’s suffrage movement, but rather of the fight for the registration of trained nurses. Both movements claimed the right of women to be actors in their public lives and both faced public condemnation for transgressing social boundaries. The two movements interacted, with nurses connecting their struggle to the wider call for women's rights, and with the suffrage movement foregrounding nurses as disenfranchised women professionals. 相似文献
82.
Biao Zhang 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(8):1459-1478
AbstractMost of the literature on state transformation focuses on China’s relations with African, Asian and Latin American countries and the National Oil Companies’ overseas expansion to show that China has become fragmented, decentralised and internationalised. This article contributes novel findings by focusing on China’s relations with Europe and the actions of China’s National Nuclear Companies (NNCs). It shows that NNCs, which have become relatively autonomous actors, often pursue their agendas of expansion into Europe without much coordination with, or even in contradiction to, other ministries’ agendas and interests, especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Instead of being orchestrated by the central government, their expansion reflects considerable disorganisation and sometimes undermines China’s official strategy. The article demonstrates this through case studies of NNCs’ involvement in the UK and Romania. 相似文献
83.
当前社交媒体的应用与普及掀起了恐怖主义活动的新浪潮,有着交互性、社区化特征的社交媒体在招募人员、传播极端思想及策划恐怖袭击方面有着天然优势。以"伊斯兰国"运用社交媒体进行恐怖活动为例,该文探讨了社交媒体的特性、在恐怖组织中扮演的角色以及我国公安机关在社交媒体时代下恐怖主义蔓延采取的应对策略,以期更好地应对反恐新难题。 相似文献
84.
Obert Hodzi 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2018,36(2):191-206
Prevailing narratives in the discourse on China-Africa engagement are that China is developing Africa. This paper departs from those narratives because they disregard the agency of Africa's political elite. Basing its argument on the nature of the African political elite, the paper analyses their role in determining the impact of China's economic and trade engagement on economic development in their respective countries. To do that, it first discusses the nature and identity of African political elites, and examines how they control their states and scarce resources. Having done that, the paper then analyses their role in determining the nature and extent of development emanating from their countries’ economic engagement with China. It then concludes that it is not how much foreign states invest in African countries that determines Africa's rise, but rather political elites who influence the direction of their states’ development. 相似文献
85.
Defining Environmental Justice Communities for Regulatory Enforcement: Implications from a Block‐Group‐Level Analysis of New York State 下载免费PDF全文
Jiaqi Liang 《政策研究评论》2016,33(6):666-685
The absence of a clear definition of environmental justice areas has been cited as one of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's major deficiencies in managing federal environmental justice programs. Several states have explicitly defined potential environmental justice areas and integrated targeted efforts into the policy‐making process. At the block‐group level, this study evaluates the effects of New York State's environmental justice policy, which defines communities of concern in terms of demographic and socioeconomic characteristics as well as mandates supplemental regulatory enforcement activities for these neighborhoods, on the agency's policy implementation practices under the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act. The empirical findings suggest that there is inconclusive evidence regarding race/ethnicity‐ and class‐based environmental inequity. Also, the state's policy intervention is not universally effective. Moreover, task environments of a given community are a consistent determinant of the agency's regulatory compliance monitoring and assurance activities. This study then derives broader implications regarding the adoption of a policy instrument that defines and screens potential environmental justice communities. 相似文献
86.
本文以地区而不是传统上占主导地位的国际体系作为理解和解释国际政治与国家行为的概念基础,构建起一个地区与国家相互塑造的分析框架。透过这个框架,可以解释:地区对国家的地位与权力、认同与观念、政策与行为的塑造;与此同时,国家的相对权力及其变化、观念和政策及其转变还对地区体系和制度秩序的形成产生一定影响。从动态的角度来看,地区与融入其中的国家处于相互塑造的过程中。彼此从对方那里吸取不同的元素,并以不同的方式相互进行重塑和改造。地区与国家之间存在基于过程选择的互动关系,它为理解改革开放以来中国外交政策的调整以及与亚太周边地区变化中的新关系提供了理论视角。 相似文献
87.
发展型国家论中存在两个研究传统:第一个研究传统重视政商关系和资本形成,流行于政治学和行政学界;第二个研究传统关注政企关系和资源使用,具有经济学和管理学色彩。在发展型国家论的初创期,分别以主流和潜流形式存在的两个研究传统相互补充,为发展型国家论的发展提供了空间,连续的理论突破就是在这样的空间中实现的。在后续发展中,二者渐行渐远,发展型国家论的理论空间日益狭窄,理论突破的可能性受到限制。这种研究格局从未被识别,但是对于发展型国家论的发展具有重要影响。在20世纪90年代中期之前,每当被引入关于重要新兴经济体的分析,发展型国家论都会经历一次重要的理论突破。但是,发展型国家论与中国实践的相遇并未带来类似突破,此即发展型国家论的中国悖论。两个研究传统的疏离是发展型国家论的中国悖论的成因之一,两个研究传统的统合是推动基于发展型国家论的中国研究的重要方向。 相似文献
88.
论我国国家所有权立法及其模式选择——一种法和经济学分析的思路 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
根据我国物权立法和产权改革的实践 ,以及法和经济学的理论和方法 ,国家所有权在主体、客体、行使和立法模式选择几个方面都有其特性 ,在我国市场经济条件下的物权法及其相关所有权立法中存在着重要价值、地位和作用 相似文献
89.
90.
恐怖组织的认同构建过程可分为三个阶段:个体恐怖分子在群体中找到自我、组织内部同一性的构建以及组织一致对外的恐怖主义活动。在整个认同构建过程中,始终贯穿着恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾,具体表现为:第一阶段,潜在恐怖分子在主流文化中认同受挫,转而寻求加入恐怖组织。第二阶段,恐怖组织以自身所处的宗教文化为基础,构建其组织文化,并积极通过各种方式加深组织成员对这一文化的认同,但与此相对,恐怖组织外群体却很难认同其组织文化。第三阶段,恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾持续激化,最终导致恐怖组织采取一致对外的恐怖主义活动。通过“伊斯兰国”作为案例,对上述恐怖组织的认同过程进行分析后发现,“伊斯兰国”的“成功”是与其“成功”的文化融入策略密切相关,而其在阿富汗的受挫,在很大程度上也是由于文化融入策略“失当”所导致的,即“伊斯兰国”在阿富汗不但无力完成与塔利班的竞争,而且无法解决组织面临的跨文化冲突问题。因此,在打击“伊斯兰国”等暴恐极端势力时,关注文化融入策略的影响并有针对性地采取对策,具有重要意义和价值。 相似文献