Malaysia – towards a topology of an electoral one-party state

For the first time in 51 years of independence, Malaysia's ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (National Front, BN) under the weak leadership of Abdullah Badawi was denied its customary parliamentary two-third majority in the 2008 elections. The three major opposition parties, which formed the Pakatan Rakyat (The People's Alliance, PR) after the elections, increased the number of opposition-held state governments from one to five. The opposition had never held more than two state governments at any one time.1 Chin and Wong, ‘Malaysia's Electoral Upheaval’. Parts of this paper were used in a research project organized by the Malaysian Strategic Research Centre. View all notes For many practitioners and students of Malaysian politics, the 2008 poll means the birth of a long overdue ‘two-party system’, where two multi-ethnic coalitions contest for power and alternate in running the country. After all, two similar attempts to build a Malay-dominated second coalition to rival the ruling coalition dominated by the ethno-nationalist United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) were made in the 1990 and 1999 elections by former UMNO leaders who lost in their party in-fighting. Sadly, the coalitions built did not survive even the next elections. We argue that such optimism may be misplaced due to a failure to appreciate the ‘electoral one-party state’ nature of Malaysia.2 Wong and Norani, ‘Malaysia at 50’. View all notes Despite having held 13 national elections without failure, and having almost no incidence of in- or post-election violence, neither a military coup nor ‘people's power’, Malaysia has never been anywhere close to being a ‘consolidated democracy’, 52 years after joining what Huntington called the second wave of democratization.3 Huntington, The Third Wave. View all notes For Linz and Stepan, a consolidated democracy requires not only a government with de facto authority to generate policy and exclusive de jure power, but also that ‘this government comes to power that is the direct result of a free and popular vote’. In other words, democracy has to become ‘the only game in town’.4 Linz and Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition, 5. View all notes     

马克思创立共产党的伟大历史贡献——纪念马克思逝世130周年

创立共产党是马克思的伟大历史贡献。共产党是科学社会主义同工人运动相结合的产物,也是马克思为人类解放的理论的和实践的活动的结晶。中国共产党能够成为执政党和长期执政的党,应当归功于马克思主义和发展着的马克思主义,归功于为共产主义奋斗的一代又一代中国共产党人。     

Marxism in the Post-Communist World

Abstract

Marx was and remained a philosopher. This simple fact was forgotten when Marxism became a system. Now that the system has been defeated, the philosophy re-emerges. However, its "Marxist" adherents have never understood that this philosophy was always political - in short, they have never understood politics, and there fore will never understand philosophy. Thus, the claim of the article is that, correctly read, Marx can be seen as the true philosophical founder of a modern theory of democracy.     

A Case Study in ‘Institutionalisation before Liberalisation’: Lessons from Bosnia and Herzegovina

Abstract

International attempts to build a sustainable peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina have come close to the recommendations of Roland Paris’ conceptual framework of ‘Institutionalisation before Liberalisation’. The international peace mission in Bosnia has, through this approach, largely succeeded in dampening the dangers posed by the democratization process. This is clearly indicated by progress in stabilizing the civil peace and in democratization. However, this study of international policy highlights that, while the general policy approach of the ‘Institutionalisation before Liberalisation’ framework is a sound one, it is important to caution that care must be taken to avoid negative and unintended consequences.     

关于我国网络民主缘起与逻辑的问题探究——一项基于个体、舆论和政体的解读性分析框架

作为一种框架性的研究思路,我国网络民主的兴起可以从网络主体的形成动力、网络舆论场域的重新构建以及现实政治稳定结构下的参与激活三个层面进行解读。同时,在其发展过程中亦遵循着自身特有的逻辑线索,表现为主体的形成具有阶段性特征和不同的演绎形态;网络舆论的兴盛和传统舆论构建模式的式微以及它本身强大的俘获能力相关、网络参与的激活是现代化过程中社会利益分化、聚合的必然结果等等。对于网络民主的发展需和现实政治有效对接,避免对社会稳定造成冲击。     

党内民主60年的发展及经验启示

中国共产党一贯重视发展党内民主,建国60年来,发展党内民主成效斐然,突出表现在思想认识、制度建设、党员民主权利保障、以及党内民主理论创新等方面。这些宝贵的成果启示我们:今后一个时期,我们要继续稳步发展党内民主,必须加大解放思想力度;继续加快党内各项民主制度的程序化建设;必须更加注重培养党内民主文化。     

如何更好地实现民主执政——基于人民、政党、政府三者之间关系的分析

实现民主执政首先要树立民主执政的科学观念,实行观念的突破。在当前,中国共产党对民主执政的认识有两个方面需要强调:一个是通过改进选举工作来加强党执政的合法性;另一个就是规范党政关系,执政党运行政府权力必须符合民主法治的要求。在人民、政党、政府三者之间关系上,民主执政要求执政党坚持政府台前,政党幕后的管理原则,要求执政党与人民、社会的关系是互动、相互信任与支持的关系。     

当前党内选举制度存在的主要问题及对策

党内选举对党内民主的发展起着重要的推动作用。当前,中国共产党党内选举制度还存在党内选举的具体条例不够健全和完善,党内选举过程中还存在着一些不符合民主精神的问题和现象。必须要在坚持选举的合法性原则、程序性原则、公平竞争性原则的基础上,采取各种科学、有效的措施,使党内选举制度更为科学、民主。     

论党内基层民主及其建设

党内基层民主建设是党内民主建设的基础工程,也是激发基层党组织活力、提高基层党组织领导水平和执政能力的重要手段。党内基层民主建设既是一个不断探索和创新的实践过程,同时也是一个需要不断对其内涵、目标、特点,以及实现的制度路径进行理论思考和研究的过程。