Dilemmas of Democratisation: Media Regulation and Reform in Argentina

The relationship between the state and the media has become a key political battleground in a number of Latin American countries in recent years. Using controversial changes to broadcasting regulation in Argentina as a case study, this article examines regional trends in this field. This article argues that despite criticism of the political motivations that led to its implementation, the Audiovisual Communications Law (popularly known as the ley de medios) has the potential to rebalance Argentina's media landscape. Moreover, it should not be equated with developments in Venezuelan media regulation, which do raise concerns about freedom of expression.     

The politics of the shareholding collective economy in China's rural villages

Since the early 2000s, the collective economy, assets or property rights have gone through shareholding reform in an increasing number of China's rural villages. There are two main types of the shareholding economy. One type is the Cooperative of Shareholding Economy (CSE) that quantifies the total value of the village's collective assets and turns them into stocks to be distributed among all the villagers. Another type is the Shareholding Land Cooperative (SLC), which peasants spontaneously organized in some regions and voluntarily joined with their land-use contracts. Both types aim to turn ordinary villagers into the shareholders and thereby the genuine owners of the collective economy or assets. The SLC serves another purpose, which is to achieve economies of scale for agricultural production through reconcentration of village land. While the effects of the shareholding reform in empowering peasants are varied and limited, it does have the potential to make village governance more democratic.     

Thomas Paine's influence on the Girondin constitutional project of 1793

This article aims to investigate what may have been Thomas Paine's influence on the Girondin constitutional project presented by Marie-Jean-Antoine-Nicolas de Caritat Condorcet to the French National Convention, of which he was a member, on 14 and 15 February 1793. Indeed, the English radical was part of the nine-member committee, by the majority Girondin faction, in charge of drafting a new constitution for France. That project, which was accompanied by a Declaration of Rights, never came to fruition, but it has always been recognized as an important document for the interpretation of the evolutionary dynamics that characterized the French revolutionary period. Many of the provisions in the constitution recall Painite political thought, and studying this element can also be useful for understanding the links between the American and French Revolutions, given the fact that Paine actively participated in the experience of institutional upheaval initiated by the American colonists in 1775. The English thinker elaborated a political theory in his writings inspired by the most important democratic principles and based on respect and protection of fundamental human rights, all elements that, in their different mode of expression and declinations, can be found again in the Girondin constitutional charter of 1793.     

Economic development and democracy: An electoral connection

Scholars continue to debate whether economic development affects regime type. This article argues that a clear relationship exists between development and the electoral component of democracy, but not – or at least less so – between development and other components of broader understandings of democracy. This is so because development enhances the power resources of citizens and elections provide a focal point for collective action. The theory is tested with two new datasets – Varieties of Democracy and Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy – that allow us to disaggregate the concept of democracy into meso- and micro-level indicators. Results of these tests corroborate the theory: only election-centred indicators are robustly associated with economic development. This may help to account for apparent inconsistencies across extant studies and shed light on the mechanisms at work in a much-studied relationship. Further analysis shows that development affects electoral democracy by reducing electoral fraud, election violence and vote buying.     

Estimating between‐ and within‐cluster covariate effects,with an application to models of international disputes

Students of international politics often use data in which the covariates vary both within and across units of observation. This is particularly true for dyadic data, which has come to dominate quantitative studies of international conflict, but is also a concern in any work involving a time‐series cross‐sectional component. Standard regression methods treat both types of covariates as equivalent with respect to their influence on the dependent variable, ignoring possible differences between cross‐dyad and within‐dyad effects. Here, I discuss the potential pitfalls of this approach, and show how between‐ and within‐dyad effects can be separated and estimated. I then illustrate the approach in the context of a logistic regression, using data on international disputes.     

Threat and alignment behavior

Alliance formation and termination are examined in the context of the impact of international threats on efforts to enhance national security. Threats against allies are shown to provide diagnostic information about the prospects that a state will be threatened. This diagnostic information is shown to lead to more sucessful national security‐enhancing actions than do threats against the state itself. The theoretical foundation on which the analysis is based is an expected utility approach to conflict decision making. The empirical domain is the European system from 1816 to 1965.     

Disaggregating the Incentives of Conflict Management: An Introduction

The purpose of this paper is to develop a formal model of the arms export process that incorporates the complementary ideas of a fuzzy decision‐making goal and a fuzzy decision‐making constraint. The model is formulated as a control problem: The decision‐making actor—in this case, a hegemonic exporter—will attempt to control the evolution of its political relationship with a prospective importer by choosing, over time, a sequence of arms transfer strategies. The exporter's strategic choices will be influenced by its fuzzy goal (a fuzzy set of political relations outcomes between the two states that the exporter seeks to maximize) and its fuzzy constraint (a fuzzy set of arms options that the exporter is constrained to choose by virtue of the preferences of the importer's neighbors). The solution to the control problem is the exporter's optimal policy sequence, and this is uncovered via the dynamic programming optimization technique. The model is illustrated by the multistage decision‐making of the U.S. for Egypt in the years 1968–1971 and 1974–1977.     

Democracy and civil war: A note on the democratic peace proposition

Democracies may not fight each other, but do they fight themselves? Despite the need to better understand internal wars, empirical investigations of the democratic peace have focused on international war between democracies. We test the effect of regime type on civil wars, a class of events that is widely overlooked in the study of conflict. We find that regime type strongly affects civil war participation.     

略论行政管理中的民主问题

随着社会经济的发展,公民意识的觉醒,民主不再仅仅是人们的价值追求,还要求广泛的参与到对社会事务的管理中来,这是人们自我实现的一个重要途径。因此,行政管理过程中,不仅要重视法律和民主制度的建设,还要重视民主的伦理化,建设形式上和内容上统一的民主。     

完善农村基层民主制度

中国农村基层民主至今已经走过了二十余个年头 ,在这一过程中农村基层民主的建设一方面取得了很大成绩 ,另一方面也暴露出了许多急待解决的问题。本文结合我国农村基层民主建设的实际 ,探讨中国农村基层民主建设过程中存在的问题及其相应的解决方法 ,旨在探索出一条适合我国农村基层民主发展的道路。