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161.
Christina Fink 《Contemporary Politics》2008,14(4):447-462
Despite a dramatic reduction in fighting in Burma's ethnic states, militarization has increased as the regime seeks to extend its sovereignty and capitalize on economic opportunities. Rather than ensuring civilians' safety, militarization has exposed more civilians to human security threats, with serious consequences for families and communities. Abuses are likely to continue as long as the regime under-finances its army, disregards disciplinary problems, and receives diplomatic cover from its foreign economic partners. While civilians have sought to manage these threats as best they can, their degree of agency is, in most cases, highly constrained, and women have been particularly affected. Nevertheless, the development of community-based organizations which make use of porous borders to expose abuses and provide assistance to distressed communities constitutes an important, if limited, development. 相似文献
162.
Neil Southern 《Contemporary Politics》2008,14(4):463-478
From the perspective of conflict analysis the main feature of contemporary South Africa is the absence of political violence. Yet it would be naive to think that the new political context is blissful to the point that ethnic tensions or anxieties do not exist. Certainly, for some groups, South Africa is not a place where ethnicity is no longer significant or politically relevant. This article explores contemporary issues relevant to Afrikaner politics and ethnicity in terms of concerns which have been voiced by its political organ – the Freedom Front Plus. The research findings point to the incompleteness of the process of conflict transformation in the country and identify certain factors that have given rise to a mood of alienation among some Afrikaners. Political and cultural disenchantment is manifested in a desire for territorial separatism. By exploring the Afrikaner perspective as it is articulated by the party, this article provides insight into the problems that surround inter-group reconciliation and nation-building in the country. 相似文献
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165.
课程是职业教育改革的核心。本文在分析了工作过程系统化课程内涵的基础上,以《PRO/ENGINEER》课程为例。阐述本课程的基于工作过程为导向的教学情境设计思路及实施过程。 相似文献
166.
在我国,新世纪以来几件为公众周知的事件促生了一些人所称道的法规和案例。“因事成制”的思维和路径契合我国文化传统,是“因势成事”的具体表现。“因事成制”可以创新制度,也可以进行法律移植。“因事成制”有其存在的现实必要性和可能性,既体现了政治家使新闻传播权利“软着陆”的智慧,又有着深厚的法学理据,论题学法学、伯克利学派,以及哈耶克的有关理论等皆可使其得以证立。“因事”包括“借事”与“造事”,新闻法制变革借事成制已有,而造事未见。 相似文献
167.
论禁毒情报调研成果的评估及利用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
杨郁娟 《云南警官学院学报》2005,(3):28-31
对禁毒情报调查研究的成果进行评估,是对调研获得的情报的内在质量所作的审核、评价,以便更好体现禁毒情报的价值。其评估内容表现在:真实性和有效性;评估方法主要有:分析与综合的方法,归纳与演绎的方法,比较的方法,“人、事、物”联系方法以及提出假设的方法。禁毒情报调研成果的利用主要是:为社会治安综合治理提供依据;为制定打击、预防毒品违法犯罪对策提供依据等七个方面。 相似文献
168.
DANIELA BRAUN SEBASTIAN ADRIAN POPA HERMANN SCHMITT 《European Journal of Political Research》2019,58(3):797-819
At the time of the election of the European Parliament (EP) in 2014, the European Union (EU) was heavily affected by a multifaceted crisis that had – and still has – far-reaching implications for the political system of its member countries, but also for the European level of governance. Against the background of the strong Eurosceptic vote in the 2014 EP elections, this study aims to investigate in which way Eurosceptic parties of the left and the right respond to the multiple crises of the EU. Using data from the Euromanifesto Project from 2004/2009 and 2014, changes in the party positions towards the EU are analysed in the shadow of the multiple crises and the reasons thereof are explored. The findings show a general anti-European shift among the two types of Eurosceptic parties. Nevertheless, the changes in the EU polity tone are not determined by issue-based repercussions of the multiple crises, but by the EU-related evaluation – the polity mood – of the national citizenry. For far-right Eurosceptic parties, the shift is moderated by the level of public support for EU integration in their national environment. Among far-left Eurosceptic parties, by contrast, it is moderated by the more specific public attitudes about the monetary union policy of the EU. Consequently, political parties when drafting their manifestos for EP elections are not so much guided by the objective severity of political problems or by the evaluations of these problems by the citizenry. What matters in the end is the link that citizens themselves are able to establish between the severity of political problems, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the EU for these problems on the other. This has important consequences for understanding of the nature and substance of political responsiveness within the EU system of multilevel governance. 相似文献
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Lisa Thompson 《公共行政管理与发展》2019,39(4-5):193-202
Aid, in the form of financial aid and investment, has become increasingly prevalent in both bilateral and multilateral partnerships in the BRICS. In Africa, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation provides the official framings for forms of development assistance to the continent, with financial forms of aid available through the New Development Bank and the China–Africa Development Bank (CADFund). This article explores how Chinese international development assistance has influenced South Africa's economic growth and development strategies and is reshaping South Africa as “gateway” to Africa and continental leader. Special economic zones (SEZs) have become a prioritised form of BRICS development collaboration particularly in terms of Chinese trade and investment expansionism into Africa through South Africa. Chinese international development assistance and foreign direct investment in South Africa in particular are very notable and have been strengthened during the Chinese official state visit prior to the Johannesburg BRICS Summit in 2018. The article critically analyses the development policy discourse on BRICS spearheading an alternative model of South–South international cooperation by examining the Coega SEZ in South Africa, hailed as the most SEZ in Africa. The article critically examines the development alternative potential of the Coega SEZ. 相似文献