经济法的可诉性与经济公益诉讼制度

经济法以社会本位为基本价值取向,以维护社会公共利益为根本宗旨。其在促进社会整体利益,保持国民经济健康、和谐发展方面起着其它法律部门不可替代的巨大作用。但由于经济法可诉性的缺失,其自身的价值和功能难以得到完全发挥。基于此,实现经济法的可诉性,建立经济公益诉讼制度,就成为解决和平衡经济纠纷、经济冲突的一条有效途径。     

现代法治视野下的轻缓刑罚观

现代刑事法治理念在强调刑罚对社会的保护之余,更为关注刑罚对人权的保障。重刑并不必然降低犯罪的发生率,因此,轻缓刑罚观已成为当前国际刑事立法和司法领域所广为接受的新刑罚观。我国刑法对此应适当借鉴,尽快树立轻重兼顾、以轻为主的刑罚观。     

论当事人收集证据的程序保障

我国在20世纪90年代的民事庭审方式改革中引入了举证责任原则,庭审的对抗性由此得以增强,证据的重要地位也逐渐凸现,这就要求加强当事人收集证据的程序保障。但我国关于当事人收集证据的程序保障的法律规定是严重缺失的,这不仅严重影响了诉讼程序效用的发挥,也阻碍了我国诉讼制度的改革进程。因此应通过加快程序保障措施的法律化,构建独立的审前准备程序,扩大律师的调查取证权,设立书证、视听资料、物证提出命令制度及庭外证人证言收集制度等措施加强当事人收集证据的程序保障。     

对诉讼欺诈行为的刑事法定化考量

诉讼欺诈行为具有严重的社会危害性,且在现实生活中有愈演愈烈之势,仅靠民事制裁力量显然已不足以抑制其发生。因而应当将其作犯罪化处理,在刑法分则中单独设立罪名,配置法定刑,以有效遏制其蔓延之势。至于对法院因诉讼欺诈行为作出错误判决而对诉讼相对人造成损害的,应视具体情况确定是否进行国家赔偿。     

警察在干预自杀事件中的作用

自杀是一个严重的社会问题。面对当前日益严峻的自杀问题,警察作为维护国家安全、维护社会治安秩序、保护人民生命财产安全的重要力量,在多数情况下是自杀现场的第一处置人员。因此,正确认识自身在处理自杀事件中的角色,掌握恰当的干预自杀的方法与技巧,对于警察来说是极其重要的。     

高校学生工作新闻发言人危机处理的媒体应对策略

近年来,高校危机事件频发,引起了社会各方的广泛关注。危机事件如果处理不当,高校多年来建立起来的良好形象会因此受到重创。高校学生工作新闻发言人要掌控学生工作条线的危机事件,谙熟新闻媒体建构与再现危机事件的基本原理与方法,在集体把关的基础上采取相应的危机处理与媒体应对策略。     

新时代家风建设与乡村治理互进研究

家风是传统农业时代维系乡土社会的内生秩序,基于传统社会结构显示独特的伦理约束与治理优化功能.进入新时代,乡村社会生态、主客体等发生结构性变迁,乡村治理模式亟须适应性调整与革新,家风及家风建设也需现代化转型与重构.这种现实情境下,湖州南浔区通过"最美家风+"建设,链接并作用于治理主体、治理方式、治理过程等乡村治理体系的基...     

从国际法角度析空间武器问题

美国于2002年退出《弹道导弹条约》,并启动导弹防御计划,使外层空间面临着成为军备竞赛新场所的危险.尽管现有的国际法对空间武器的使用是否合法没有作明文规定,但包括《联合国宪章》等在内的国际法律性文件都试图以法律手段实现外层空间的非军事化;而根据《部分禁止核试验条约》,不允许缔约国进行任何使用核动力的导弹拦截试验;《环境影响公约》和《外空条约》等则禁止出于军事目的或任何其他敌对方式使用空间武器.     

Can governments use Get Out The Vote letters to solve Europe’s turnout crisis? Evidence from a field experiment

Declining levels of turnout are a problem in European elections. Are Get Out The Vote campaigns the solution to the problem? While many studies have investigated such campaigns in the US, little is known about their effect in Europe. The article presents a field experiment in which encouragement to vote in an upcoming Danish election is delivered to more than 60,000 first-time voters using direct personal letters. Eight different letters are designed, based on the calculus of voting and prospect theory. The sample is randomly divided into treatment groups or the control group. Using validated turnout, small positive effects of receiving a letter on turnout are found, with little difference across letters. The letters mostly mobilised voters with a low propensity to vote and thus increased equality in participation. In sum, while letters have some effect, they are not likely to be a panacea for solving Europe’s turnout challenges.     

Partisan effects in morality policy making

Current comparative policy research gives no clear answer to the question of whether partisan politics in general or the partisan composition of governments in particular matter for different morality policy outputs across countries and over time. This article addresses this desideratum by employing a new encompassing dataset that captures the regulatory permissiveness in six morality policies that are homosexuality, same‐sex partnership, prostitution, pornography, abortion and euthanasia in 16 European countries over five decades from 1960 to 2010. Given the prevalent scepticism about a role for political parties for morality policies in existing research, this is a ‘hard’ test case for the ‘parties do matter’ argument. Starting from the basic theoretical assumption that different party families, if represented in national governments to varying degrees, ought to leave differing imprints on morality policy making, this research demonstrates that parties matter when accounting for the variation in morality policy outputs. This general statement needs to be qualified in three important ways. First, the nature of morality policy implies that party positions or preferences cannot be fully understood by merely focusing on one single cleavage alone. Instead, morality policy is located at the interface of different cleavages, including not only left‐right and secular‐religious dimensions, but also the conflicts between materialism and postmaterialism, green‐alternative‐libertarian and traditional‐authoritarian‐nationalist (GAL‐TAN) parties, and integration and demarcation. Second, it is argued in this article that the relevance of different cleavages for morality issues varies over time. Third, partisan effects can be found only if individual cabinets, rather than country‐years, are used as the unit of analysis in the research design. In particular, party families that tend to prioritise individual freedom over collective interests (i.e., left and liberal parties) are associated with significantly more liberal morality policies than party families that stress societal values and order (i.e., conservative/right and religious parties). While the latter are unlikely to overturn previous moves towards permissiveness, these results suggest that they might preserve the status quo at least. Curiously, no systematic effects of green parties are found, which may be because they have been represented in European governments at later periods when morality policy outputs were already quite permissive.