Comparing China’s frontier politics: how much difference did a century make?

In response to foreign demands for concessions and territories, China’s last imperial court in the early twentieth century executed reforms to strengthen fiscal, personnel, military, and cultural control over its frontier regions. However, in so doing, it provoked an awakening of the national consciousness of the elites of non-Han ethnic minorities there. Much has changed over the past 100 years regarding the governance of China’s frontier territories of Inner Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang, with the diffusion of nationalist claims among increasing numbers of the ethnic minority populace, heightened focus of foreign actors on the humanitarian and rights situations of the ethnic minorities, and greatly extended reach and firmer grip of the central government. What remained unaltered is the “state integration” purpose of Chinese regimes, as manifested in the practices of “internal colonialism” or “ethnic assimilation,” which has led to grievances and resistance by China’s ethnic minorities against the Chinese state.     

TETHERING TIBET: RECENT CHINESE HISTORIOGRAPHY AND LIU SHENGQI IN LHASA, 1945–1949†

Before Liu Shengqi (柳陞祺) became the early PRC's foremost historian of Tibet, he was an English-language secretary in Lhasa for the Nationalist Government's Commission on Mongolia and Tibet. His travels and assessment of Han-Tibetan relations in and around Lhasa provide a unique perspective on Tibet's tenuous relationship with the Chinese central government from 1945 until 1949. With the 2010 publication of Liu's recollections in Lhasa (in Chinese), a new window is opened on the literature on Tibet's history -- and assertions of Guomindang power in the region -- in the period just preceding the traumatic collision with Maoism.     

新中国政府拥有西藏主权的合法性论析

近代以来关于西藏主权的争议是帝国主义国家侵略中国的产物。从历史上看,元朝以来的历代中央政府都对西藏地方施政治理;从文化上看,维护国家统一是中华民族深层次的文化品质;从国际舆论上看,没有一个国家曾公开否认中国拥有西藏主权。新中国政府拥有和维护西藏主权的合法性是不容置疑和理直气壮的。     

西藏自古就是中国领土的一部分

1959年达赖喇嘛叛逃后，一直在国外从事西藏独立、分裂祖国的活动。为了给其“藏独”活动披上合法的外衣，达赖不失时机地四处散布其各种独立谬论：“自古独立说”、“满蒙非中国说”、“供施关系说”、“民国时期独立说”。文章就其“自古独立说”，以新中国成立前西藏历史发展的大体脉络，予以批驳。     

A Homecoming

正I first met Dorje Tseten on his daily circumambulation,the ritual of circling a Tibetan Buddhist holy site and praying,along Lingkhor,the sacred path in Lhasa,capital of Tibet Autonomous Region.While he no longer has the agility of his youth,the 84 year old insists on performing his prayer wheel ritual every day.On completion he takes the bus home."I have the card for senior citizens that entitles me to free bus travel,"he said.Dorje Tseten returned to Lhasa from a decades-long exile in 1999.He left     

Protecting The Third Pole

正Local residents,with support from the government,are protecting the fragile ecology of the HimalayasThe Qinghai-Tibet Plateau—the highest elevated region on Earth—is home to five mountain peaks that are more than8,000 meters above sea level,including the8,844.43-meter Mount Qomolangma(also known as Mount Everest in the West).In recent years,more and more tourists have traveled to     

Voices

正"Tibet has been visibly transformed by uninterrupted double-digit GDP growth over two decades and has entered a new stage of development…As a result of this development,Tibet’s interaction and integration with the rest of China has deepened and its isolation from the rest of the world has been decisively ended,"     

怎样认识和对待西藏历史上的几个重大问题

西藏历史上有一些重大的理论问题被来自各方面的研究和学说披上了一层面纱 ,如历史上中央王朝与西藏地方政治关系中的“供施关系” ;中央政府对西藏地方的管理 ;西藏地方行政区划的沿革 ;中国历史与西藏地方历史的关系等。通过史料研究 ,这些重大问题都可以有较明晰的文字阐述和资料佐证。弄清这些问题 ,对于研究西藏问题、了解西藏、增加中华民族的凝聚力有着重要的意义和作用     

西藏昌都地区近现代经济发展缓慢原因试析

就作者个人视野所见,学界尚无论及近现代时期西藏昌都地区经济发展缓慢的论文。在近代史料的基础上,本文分析了西藏昌都地区近现代经济发展史,认为落后的社会制度是近现代昌都地区经济发展的缓慢的根本原因。而税收制度的不健全、各级官员的贪污腐化与滥发货币所造成的通货膨胀;外国经济势力的入侵与战争连绵,成为昌都地区经济发展缓慢的外部原因。     

中国西藏百万农奴解放与美国解放黑奴运动之比较

50年前,西藏通过开展民主改革,彻底废除了农奴制,解放了百万农奴。一直在"西藏问题"上采取双重标准的美国历史上也曾经开展过废奴运动——解放黑人农奴运动。把中国西藏百万农奴解放与美国解放黑奴运动的废奴前社会状况、废奴动因、废奴过程、废奴性质与彻底性进行全方位比较,有助于深刻理解西藏民主改革的重大历史意义并认清美国在西藏问题上的立场。