Turkish nationalism at its beginning: Analysis of Türk Yurdu, 1913–1918

Turkish nationalism became an element of the Ottoman political scene in the late nineteenth century. Although its roots can be traced back to the Hamidian period (1876–1909), Turkish nationalism emerged as one of the most important political ideologies during the Constitutional Regime. Wars that the Ottoman State participated in from 1911 to the end of the empire in 1918 resulted in population and land losses. Especially, following the Balkan Wars, most of the lands that were populated by non-Muslim and non-Turkish subjects were lost. Within this context, Turkish nationalism came to be seen as the most dominant ideological tool intended to save the Empire. This article argues that Turkish nationalism emerged as a reactive ideology that addressed Ottomanism and Islamism, which were the two other dominant state ideologies during the late Ottoman State, due to the changing political context. In this article, Türk Yurdu, a well-known and influential periodical, is used as the primary source of reference to demonstrate the basic features of Turkish nationalism in its infancy.     

Turkey’s Judiciary and the Drift Toward Competitive Authoritarianism

Turkey has always been considered an “illiberal democracy”, or in Freedom House’s terms, a “partly-free” country. In recent years, however, there has been a downward trend toward “competitive authoritarianism”. Such regimes are competitive in that opposition parties use democratic institutions to contest seriously for power, but they are not democratic because the playing field is heavily skewed in favour of incumbents. One of the methods employed by competitive authoritarian leaders is the use of informal mechanisms of repression. This, in turn, requires a dependent and cooperative judiciary. Thus, in Turkey the year 2014 can be described as a period when the governing AKP (Justice and Development Party) made a sustained and systematic effort to establish its control over the judiciary by means of a series of laws of dubious constitutionality.     

Understanding Turkish secularism in the 21th century: a contextual roadmap

ABSTRACT

This paper asserts that Turkish secularism and Islamism represent two faces of one coin – contemporary Turkish politics – when one considers their goals and strategies. The two ideological movements have shaped one another and each now seeks to impose itself as superior. This article unpacks these differences and similarities in the following steps: (a) it defines the socio-historic modes of Turkish secularism and (b) examines its social and political origins; (c) it then explores Islam’s return to the public domain as an oppositional Turkish identity; (d) and thereafter considers the diverse understandings of secularism resulting from neoliberal policies that relaxed state control over Islam, which then prompted socially-acceptable reinterpretations of Islam; and finally (e) describes how the AKP’s has re-imagined secularism while (mis)using Islam as a political instrument. The comparison highlights such commonalties as a collectivist character, a desire for state control as a vehicle to realize an ideology, intolerance of diversity and criminalization of other perspectives, and the differentiation of religion as morality in the private sphere versus its cultural role in the public sphere. It concludes that, under the AKP government, Islam is used as a tool to consolidate the power of Erdo?an’s kleptocratic regime.     

奥斯曼、伊斯兰还是土耳其?——浅析土耳其独立运动的革命话语问题

土耳其革命史把1919～1923年间在安纳托利亚发生的革命斗争定性为一场为了建立土耳其共和国而进行的民族独立运动。这种革命意识形态主导下的史观忽略了当时历史情形的复杂性,带有很强的革命目的论色彩。在安纳托利亚的革命阵营中,存在着对奥斯曼王朝、伊斯兰教或土耳其民族等不同身份的忠诚,以及对所有这些忠诚的混合;更多人是忠于苏丹-哈里发的,并非一开始就有建立独立的土耳其国家的明确目标。以凯末尔为首的共和主义者为了其革命目的和统一战线的需要,不得不暂时与强大的保守势力妥协。     

浅谈警犬辨识的否定性结论在确定侦查方向中的作用

警犬的嗅觉极其灵敏,对气味不仅有很强的感受性,而且还有十分精确辨认机能。利用警犬的这一嗅觉特点,通过科学训练,使警犬对特殊气味建立牢固的条件反射或对气味辨认作出的否定结论,能够在侦查破案中发挥重要作用。     

浅析婚生子女推定和否认制度的完善

纵观世界各国立法,我国在今后的婚姻立法上要吸收国外经验,从婚生子女的概念研究入手,完善婚生子女推定和否认制度,使法律更具有操作性,更多地保障婚姻当事人的合法权益及未成年人的利益,又可维持良好的社会秩序和家庭的稳定。     

航空旅客“黑名单”的法律分析

航空旅客"黑名单"制度在我国引入时间不长,实践中引发了诉讼和争论,反映了相关法律制度的缺失。合同法中的强制缔约制度要求承运人承担缔约义务,但强制承诺义务并不是无条件的。基于航空安全等因素的考虑,航空承运人有拒载的权利,但旅客"黑名单"的出台应有严格的审核监督机制、公开和缜密的程序认定、完备可操作的当事人救济制度作为保障。我国应借鉴国际惯例和国外的成熟做法,加快有关立法进程,全面规范航空旅客"黑名单"制度。     

The latent politicization of Alevism: the affiliation between Alevis and leftist politics (1960–1980)

Abstract

Traditional Alevism, which was based on rural/isolated life started to dissolve as a result of urbanization in the 1960s and the 1970s. The social dynamics of Turkey associated the dissolution of archaic Alevism with political mobilization that Turkey experienced in the same period; therefore, the Alevis affiliated themselves with socialist movements in order to participate into political process more efficiently. This article analyses the affiliation between Alevis and socialist movements within the framework of the overlap between the socio-political culture of the Alevis and the political needs of the socialist movements in the 1960s and the 1970s. This affiliation might be followed in Alevi folk songs, squatter settlements, villages and the massacres that Alevis suffered in the late 1970s. Because the relation between the Alevis and socialist movements meant not the politicization of the Alevism as an independent politics of identity, but rather the politicization of Alevis through their affiliation with leftist politics, this article conceptualizes the politicization dynamism of the Alevism between 1960 and 1980 as latent politicization.     

Ararat and the politics of ‘preserving’ denial

ABSTRACT

Daldal analyses Atom Egoyan's film Ararat (2002) in terms of its ‘truth claims’ and its ostensible critique of the politics of denial of the Turkish authorities. Her essay is not an apologia for Turkish attitudes but claims that, while searching for the ‘truth’ amid denial and deception, the film creates its own ‘official history’, which is presented as the history, mostly based on nostalgia and ‘post-memory’. The Armenian diaspora still relies heavily on the genocide in order to build consciousness and cohesion, and Ararat contributes further to the need for sacred codes, sacred lands and sacred myths. Although the Turkish denial of the genocide is unacceptable, by demonizing the Turks and Turkey, the film contributes to the preservation of that denial, which has been helpful in the creation of diasporic Armenian identity.     

浅议公司法人格否认制度及其在我国的适用

公司法人格是指公司的法律地位或主体资格,具有独立性和平等性。只有具有健全人格的公司才是法律意义上的公司,如果公司股东滥用公司法人格,应否认公司的独立人格。滥用公司法人格的行为包括利用公司规避法律、合同义务和其他债务以及公司形骸化,目前中国现阶段应进一步完善相关立法。