Socio-Economic Composition and Pay and Resources in Second Chambers

In conjunction with the gradual empowerment of the European Parliament, interest in its internal politics and in particular its committee system has increased considerably. While much has been learned about the influence of parliamentarians, little is known of the role of their unelected supporters. Although the literature indicates that officials are involved in the policy process, it remains open to question whether their work is fundamentally technical or of relevance to public policy. In a first step towards closing this gap in the literature, this paper explores the role of officials working in the secretariats of European Parliament committees. Although officials are involved in both secretarial and political work, their role is constrained by their position in the parliamentary hierarchy. This supports a cautious understanding of the autonomy and influence of bureaucracy in the Parliament and in the European Union's main institutions.     

Power,cultural nationalism,and postcolonial public architecture: building a parliament house in post-independence Myanmar

This article focuses on the contested, and frequently postponed, construction of a new parliament house in postcolonial Myanmar. Since the late colonial period, the country’s legislative bodies have convened in four different buildings, three located in the former capital Yangon and the latest one in Naypyitaw. Drawing on legislative proceedings and media reports, this study interrogates the relationship between decolonisation, national identity, state-building, and public architecture in post-independence Myanmar. It suggests that the commissioning and construction of a new legislative house has always served a dual objective: projecting state power and national pride in both Myanmar’s early postcolonial and later post-junta political contexts, whilst symbolising a sense of nationhood grounded on the representational ideals of the dominant and ruling ethnic Bamar elites.     

The Commons Select Committee System in the 2015–20 Parliament

The House of Commons select committees witnessed some of the most constructive political theatre of the 2010‐2015 Parliament. Recall Rupert Murdoch's public contrition, Margaret Hodge's assault on MNC tax evasion and Keith Vaz's timely interrogations of G4S, etc. The committees also embraced social media and adopted public engagement as a key task. These developments all reflect a newly emboldened system. In recent months, four reports have been published which reflect on these developments. They also look forward to the further substantial development of committee activity. The system thus sets sail with an abundance of specific suggestions, including ideas that could have far wider and more far‐reaching democratic implications.     

Turning your back on the EU. The role of Eurosceptic parties in the 2014 European Parliament elections

This paper analyses how disaffection with the EU influenced individuals' likelihood of turning out to vote and of casting a vote for a Eurosceptic party in the 2014 EP elections, and how these relationships were moderated by the Eurosceptic partisan supply of each country. We argue that the degree to which political parties oppose European integration, as well as the ideological leaning of Eurosceptic parties, should influence both the likelihood of disaffected citizens turning out to vote, and their likelihood of voting for a Eurosceptic party. Our empirical findings show that, in the presence of a party that is strongly opposed to European integration, disaffected citizens are more likely to turn out to vote and to vote for a Eurosceptic party provided that this party also shares their ideological leaning in the left-right dimension. These results indicate that Eurosceptic parties are important actors for the politicization of the European integration conflict and for the Europeanization of EP elections, but, at the same time, they suggest that opposition to European integration is subordinate to the traditional left-right conflict.     

The 2016 Scottish Parliament election: a nationalist minority,a Conservative comeback and a Labour collapse

This article examines the political context, campaign, election results and outcomes of the 2016 Scottish Parliament election. The Scottish National Party (SNP) secured its third electoral victory, yet failed to achieve a widely predicted majority. With just two MSPs short of a majority, the SNP has ruled out any formal coalition with the opposition and will instead govern as a minority administration. The composition of the parliament’s opposition also changed significantly. The Scottish Conservatives increased their share of the constituency and regional votes, and became, for the first time, the largest opposition party in the chamber. Scottish Labour suffered a severe electoral drubbing, losing 13 of its seats. The election was also important for the Scottish Liberal Democrats and Scottish Green Party. The latter increased its vote share and number of seats, leapfrogging the Lib Dems to become the fourth largest party in the chamber.     

YouTube: A Political Advertising Tool? A Case Study of the Use of YouTube in the Campaign for the European Parliament Elections 2009

Political campaigns are made to attract the attention from citizens. The beginning of its adaption is linked to the appearance of the social media and user-generated content. Since the number of users of social network sites in Europe constantly grows, 2009 was the first time that these websites were used in political marketing purposes for the European Parliament elections. This is an exploratory study of the nature and extent of video-based social media, studied through the content analysis of YouTube videos created for the electoral campaign for the 2009 European Parliament . ( 2009 ). European elections . Retrieved from http://www.europarl.europa.eu/elections2009/default.htm?language=en  [Google Scholar] European Parliament elections by 13 political parties from four EU states. Results have shown the specificities of political advertising on the YouTube, a raising interest in social media among citizens in Europe, and the development of this way of campaigning.     

基于PSG胜任力框架的英国公务员能力建设推进战略及其启示

PSG胜任力框架是一个基于多种研究方法而制定的公务员能力结构体系。以PSG胜任力框架为基础,英国政府从通用技能提升和专业技能提升两个方面采取了一系列富有创造性的公务员能力建设举措。英国政府的战略思维与创新举措对当代中国的公务员能力建设的借鉴意义具体体现在:坚持能力本位的基本理念,构建科学、全面、系统的胜任力框架作为公务员能力建设的基础;建立有效的培训激励机制,激发公务员能力建设各参与主体的积极性与创造性;将公务员能力建设工作渗透进为公务员系统输送主要人才的高等学校等各类教育机构的全过程之中,以提早塑造未来公务员的技能。     

The Sacred Kingdom and the Royal Wedding of 2011

Despite secularisation and increased religious diversity the UK state and the monarchy are religiously legitimated institutions which have their origins in protestant/catholic divisions over three hundred years ago but which remain strong enough to survive in the current era. The Church of England acts not only as the established church of England but as a church for the UK with respect to events such as the coronation and the royal wedding of 2011. Ecumenical and interfaith initiatives have been attempted by the government and the monarchy and were evident in attendance at the wedding but it demonstrated the ritual supremacy of the state church and the inevitable difficulties of seeking to achieve formal representation for religious diversity in the state. Attempts at more formally inclusive religious involvement in state institutions conflict with other goals such as gender equity and suggest that secular state institutions might be fairer to all religions, denominations and those with no beliefs.     

Background levels of body fluids and DNA on the shaft of the penis and associated underpants in the absence of sexual activity

This study examines the background of blood, saliva, semen and autosomal DNA on penile swabs and underpants from males in the absence of recent sexual activity. Based on the data collected by the AFSP Body Fluid Forum, the results of this study show that; there is a very low expectation of detecting blood on penile swabs and male underpants; a low expectation of detecting saliva on penile swabs and male underpants; and spermatozoa would be expected in less than a quarter of penile swabs and three quarters of male underpants. As none of the samples had detectable levels of DNA which were suitable for meaningful comparison that did not match the donor or their partner, the expectation of detecting a DNA profile from the cellular background on penile swabs or underpants from a male who has not been involved in recent sexual intercourse is very low. The results of this study are extremely informative when evaluating the significance of blood, saliva, semen and DNA detected on the penile swabs and underpants of males in cases of alleged sexual assault.     

Assessing the background levels of body fluids on hands

Forensic scientists are often asked to assist the court by evaluating the significance of finding body fluids on the hands of an individual; however, there is an absence of published data regarding the background levels of body fluids on hands. Whilst the scientist can use casework experience to inform the courts on the significance of the results, it would be advantageous to have data which could assist with this interpretation. This study was designed to ascertain the background levels of blood, semen, saliva, hairs/fibres and staining/debris on hands in the general population by sampling from delegates attending a scientific conference.The findings suggest that approximately one third of the population would be expected to have hairs or fibres on their hands and that females are more likely to have visible staining on their hands than males. Presumptive tests for blood and semen yielded negative results in all samples; however, almost 2 % of the samples were found to contain a very low number of sperm heads. In contrast, the majority of samples tested positive for the presence of saliva using the presumptive Phadebas® amylase test. The data supports the caution applied by forensic practitioners when evaluating the presence of saliva detected using the presumptive Phadebas® amylase test based on the lack of specificity and indicates that the RSID™-Saliva test would be more suitable to use.