中美版权刑事保护之比较

利益平衡是知识产权保护的基石,因此版权的刑事保护也同样要遵循利益平衡的原则。在版权的刑事保护中,有的国家坚持保护主义立场,偏重维护权利人的利益,对公众的合理使用施加了较大的限制;而有的国家则遵循自由主义立场,比较关注知识的传播和共享,为公众的合理使用保留较大空间。然而,过度保护任何一方利益,都会给知识产权和经济建设的健康发展制造障碍,因此各国在刑事立法和司法上都试图融合两种立场,寻找各方利益的平衡点。     

美国政策网络研究及启示

20世纪70年代美国学者在社会现实与相关理论发展的推动下,开创了政策网络途径的研究,其后在政策制定、政策执行、后现代公共行政、政策网络分析的操作方法与政策变迁等方面取得丰硕成果,并独具特色。美国政策网络研究对我国进行政策网络研究有着重要的启示,值得学习与借鉴。     

"9·11时代"美国对外战略的危险"创新"

"9·11时代"美国对外战略的危险"创新"是:以"布什主义"为基本原则;以建立"新帝国"为最高目标;为实施"新帝国"战略而严重夸大外部威胁;以对"流氓国家"的"预防性战争"、"政权更迭"和"民主化改造"作为"新帝国"扩张基本手段。这些"创新"相互影响,其危险是:践踏国家主权平等、和平解决国际争端等当代国际法和国际关系基本原则,加剧国际军备竞赛和"安全困境",威胁世界和平与发展。     

第三种自由主义?——拉兹权利理论批判

在当代自由主义中,诺奇克代表古典自由主义,罗尔斯代表新自由主义。拉兹试图超越诺奇克和罗尔斯,对权利概念提供一种完全不同的解释,试图超越权利和平等,以探索自由主义的第三条道路。     

调解、诉讼与公正——对现代自由社会和儒家传统的反思

调解作为一种解决纷争的做法和制度 ,是我国传统法律文化尤其是儒家法律文化的重要部分。在现代法治社会中 ,调解否已经过时 ?本文首先介绍中国的调解传统的哲学基础、理论和实践 ,然后从现代自由主义和法治理想的角度 ,对传统的调解提出批判。本文进而指出 ,调解在当代的中国以至西方仍有顽强的生命力 ,西方学者对调解作为“解决纠纷的另类选择”之一提出了多种理论依据 ,其中不少与儒家传统的睿见不谋而合。本文的结论是 ,经过“创造性转化”后的调解理论与实践能对现代文明作出贡献 ,由此可见 ,传统文化遗产在现代仍是十分宝贵和有用的资源。     

Shifting Terrain: Styles of Liberalism, Periodization, and Levels of Analysis

The appraisal of background conditions is an important but often neglected element of political interpretation. Influential interpretations of American politics, such as Louis Hartz's The Liberal Tradition in America, dismiss the importance of changing political contexts. Set in terms of the debate over American exceptionalism, this article explores changes in political mood in the United States during the twentieth century. Hartz is not wrong to assert the persistence of a uniform underlying political culture in the United States, nor the lasting impact of Lockeanism in establishing boundaries to possibility—for the left and the right. But a finer-grained appraisal of the interaction between political-cultural ethos and activism is possible. As David Greenstone rightly argued, contestation still occurs within a predominantly liberal society. This article contends that the character of this contestation is determined by the nature of political periods produced by interpretations of the underlying Lockean bedrock by political actors. It makes explicit that Hartz and Greenstone were operating at different levels of analysis—Hartz established the persistence of dedication to Lockean liberal tenets in the deep structure of American politics, while Greenstone's interpretation established a meso-level of analysis, above this deep structure. The present article adds temporal periodization to this meso-level. Political actors make history upon a stage received from the past—in the United States, the Lockean bedrock—but they inflect this stage with crucial interpretations that set or stretch the limits of political expression in a new period. It discerns four varieties of liberalism—economic liberalism, social state liberalism, social movement liberalism and cold war liberalism—that have interpreted the deep structure differently since the 1920s. It also suggests that sensitivity to historical changes in political mood does not necessitate repudiation of Hartz's thesis of Lockean liberal predominance in the United States.     

艾森豪威尔政府的对华禁运政策

艾森豪威尔政府时期,美国对华政策为全面遏制思想所主导,因此,在欧洲盟国废除“巴统”管制体系中的“中国差别”的情况下,美国依然单独坚持对华禁运政策。     

国外电子政府发展概况及启示

在电子政府建设方面 ,美国、加拿大、新加坡、俄罗斯等几个国家根据自己的特点采用了不同的模式。比较之下我国电子政府的发展亟需统一规划 ,统一规范和标准 ,同时 ,要强调电子政府的服务性 ,特别要发挥电子政府对转变政府职能的作用。     

美国实战威慑核战略：理论、历史与现实

以《不扩散核武器条约》为基础的国际防扩散制度已经走过了半个世纪,如今却面临日益严峻的挑战。对于全球防扩散与核裁军进程出现的倒退,美国负有特殊的责任。这突出表现在三个相互关联的理论、历史和现实问题上。首先,经典核威慑理论并不能充分解释美国矛盾的核战略和防扩散政策。以实战威慑和延伸威慑构成的绝对自由核战略才是长期指导美国核政策实践的根本。其次,通过对20世纪50～60年代的冷战史进行再挖掘可以得知,一般认为的美国核战略在主张核武器用于实战的保守派和主张核武器仅用于威慑的自由派之间摇摆,实际上夸大了自由派对美国核战略的影响。美国在大多数总统任期内将绝对自由核战略作为拱卫其构建战后国际秩序和获得对苏联战略优势的关键。最后,核武器与非核武器的互动是当前核时代的一个显著特征。随着新技术革命的兴起,传统的核威慑和战略稳定正面临极为复杂的挑战。然而,美国依旧以核常融合、攻防兼备构筑绝对优势,并以新兴技术、跨域威慑确保全面制胜。其结果持续引发由核武器与常规武器互动、谋求技术先发优势以及追求绝对自由所导致的"三元悖论",从而对全球战略稳定和国际防扩散制度产生进一步冲击。     

Those bothersome Rho-dents: Lyndon B. Johnson and the Rhodesian Information Office

My article explores the response of the Johnson Administration to the establishment of the Rhodesian Information Office (RIO) in Washington DC in the aftermath of the Rhodesian Unilateral Declaration of Independence. The stance adopted by Johnson toward the RIO is illustrative of the viewpoint of the White House toward the broader issues of achieving majority rule and racial equality in Rhodesia and indeed the wider Southern African region. As clearly demonstrated by its policies toward the RIO, the White House adopted a measured approach of condemning Rhodesia and white minority rule in Africa and engaged in limited actions to demonstrate US opposition. Johnson, however, was not prepared to countenance more extreme measures that could threaten US geopolitical and domestic interests.