Theorizing Islamism and democracy: Jamaat-e-Islami in India

Liberal reading often posits Islamism as obverse of modernity and reason. Phil Briscoe's statement that Hitler's Mein Kampf might be kept in libraries but not the books by authors like Jamaat-e-Islami's founder's (Maududi) amply illustrates it. This article calls such an understanding into question. On the basis of my historical-ethnographic fieldwork on India's Jamaat-e-Islami and its offshoot, Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), I examine the interrelationships between Islamism and democracy showing Jamaat-e-Islami's moderation and SIMI's radicalization. It is my contention that Islamism and democracy are not antithetical to each other; they cohere in complex ways. When democracy is responsive to the traditions and aspirations of its Muslim citizens, Muslims relate to pluralism and democracy. But when democracy becomes majoritarian and a theater of entertainment and violence against Muslims, Islamists turn radical. I also suggest that radicalization such as SIMI's symbolizes a complex dynamic of democratization and demonopolization of religious authority. By foregrounding the salient transformation of Indian Islamism, this article aims to advance a nuanced, fresh understanding of both Islamism and democracy.     

论美国国会的调查权

调查权是美国国会经常使用的工具性权力,它在实际政治生活中逐步确立其法律基础和程序规则。它是国会了解和查明国民经济、社会和政治等领域中发生的重大问题而进行相应的立法或补救性立法所不可缺少的工具和手段,也是国会揭露政府中违反宪法和法律的滥用职权行为、贪污腐败行为、以及重大工作失误的锐器,客观上有利于维护美国分权与制衡的宪政制度以及政府统治的稳定性和有效性。同时,国会调查形式上充当国会或选民的耳目,实质上是政党利益、集团利益和议员个人利益相互争斗和妥协的政治过程。美国国会曾滥用调查权而侵害了公民的自由权利,损害了美中关系。     

Of legitimacy,legality and public affairs

This paper argues that legality is not enough and that sound public affairs underpins the legitimacy of a political system. It examines the impact of lost legitimacy on Tony Blair, President Bush and America's foreign policy. The author draws historical comparisons between Britain in the Middle East in the 1920s and the USA's problems today and suggests that the fundamental problem is the lack of legitimacy in the region's politics. The paper concludes by asserting that the legitimacy of the EU political system will be endangered while public understanding of its institutions remains limited. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

浅析美国力压人民币升值的性质与政治目标--兼论中国的对策

目前,国际社会对人民币汇率问题的关注已进入一个新的阶段,中美之间围绕人民币升值问题所进行的争论和较量已趋于白热化.本文认为,美国力压人民币升值行为在本质上是一个重大的政治问题,美国有明显的政治战略和利益追求.面对人民币升值的压力,中国应理智和妥善处理好各种关系,以求得国家利益的最大化.     

Acts of collusion: myth,media, and the populist imagination in the 2016 United States presidential election

ABSTRACT

This article considers the hypothesis that the 2016 nomination of Hillary Clinton appeared rigged because the Democratic Party persuaded itself that the next step in guaranteeing Obama’s legacy and advancing democratic progress would be the election of the first woman president. Democracy finds logical steps in politics suspicious (even dangerous); consequently, the constructed stability and order begin to falter or appear compromised. In this context, populist figures like Trump may gain political legitimacy by claiming to be outsiders speaking with the voice of the people. Populism, founded on a mythical notion of sovereignty, promises direct access to the democratic experience through four interconnected mythologies (unity, conspiracy, the golden age, and the savior), as evident in the 2016 election. The democratic struggle accordingly extended to Trump’s attacks on the media (as “fake news”) and to the Mueller investigation of collusion between the Trump campaign and foreign actors representing the Russian government.     

论美国国会的弹劾权

弹劾权是美国国会拥有的最少使用却最令人生畏的防止政府行政和司法部门滥用职权的重要制约手段。美国国会的弹劾权是美国宪法制定者对英国弹劾制度和北美殖民地弹劾实践予以继承和发展的产物。美国二百多年来的弹劾实践赋予了弹劾权丰富的内涵 ,显示了其重要的历史作用 ,同时也暴露了其弊端和局限性。     

《老子》无为思想与西方经济自由主义比较

《老子》是先秦最为光辉的哲学经典之一，其中蕴含着丰富的经济思想，且与西方自由主义经济理念有颇多相通之处。两者的政府管理思想管理目标相近且都认识到了人民利益实现的重要性，但在立场和管理的方式方法方面存在一定的差异，产生这些差异的重要原因是两者不同的时代背景。     

罗尔斯新自由主义述评

罗尔斯继承了新自由主义的传统。他的新自由主义正义论。就是要从理论上将国家干预主义和国家福利主义统一在一起。他认为。正义是社会制度的首要基础。正义原则是确立社会的基本结构应遵循的原则，是社会主要制度分配基本权利和义务。正义原则要通过调节主要社会制度，尽量解决社会的不公平问题，这就是罗尔斯的理论目的。罗尔斯通过原初状态、无知之幕和社会契约等条件的设立．对社会正义原则进行选择，从而证明他的两个正义原则的合理性。他主张将两个正义原则应用到政府、个人以及社台生活的各个领域。罗尔斯正义论把新自由主义理论发展到一个新的高度。但他的理论仍然存在着无法克服的内在矛盾。     

论意思自治的根基

意思自治构成现代合同效力的正当性基础,意思自治的本身值得做出历史和支撑理论的分析.在理论上,意思自治的兴起与教会的盟约思想相关,并经教会法而发展.在现代,意思自治的合理性有四个方面的理论支撑,分别是:自由主义;理性人,即人是理性动物,会趋利避害地处理自己事务;奉行自由经济政策导致西欧发展的理论与实证;从心理学证明意思自治的可能.奠定合同法自由性格的意思自治在此基础上获得了证立.     

不对称同盟与韩国的反美主义

韩国与美国之间是一种不对称的军事同盟关系。1953年朝鲜战争结束后,应韩国的强烈要求,美国开始在韩国长期驻军。民主化后,韩国的反美主义日益高涨,直接针对韩美军事关系,出现了要求驻韩美军撤出的呼声。韩国人态度发生转变的根源在于:经济的高速发展和政治的民主化激发了韩国人空前的民族主义,由于美国的军事存在与民族主义相冲突,导致一些韩国国民对韩美不平等关系的不满日益增长。尽管韩美两国也试图对双边关系做出调整,但这种调整未能满足韩国人的心理需求,反而激起了更多的不满。