Alexandre Afonso  Samir Negash 《Journal of common market studies》2024,62(2):379-411

This article analyses how the characteristics of recipient countries shape individual support for international redistribution in Europe. Whilst a growing body of research has looked into the determinants of support for international redistribution, we argue that individuals may not be willing to redistribute in equal measure to any foreign country. We use data from a survey asking respondents in 14 European countries whether they think their governments should provide financial help to 35 [European Union (EU) and non-EU] foreign countries in the event of a major crisis. We show that individuals are more likely to support helping foreign countries that speak the same language, are geographically close, have deeper trade links, are poorer than their own and are also EU members. Individuals who are more sceptical towards international redistribution are more likely to discriminate amongst foreign countries in their support for redistribution across borders.  相似文献   

    

Babak Mohammadzadeh 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(8):1571-1589

Abstract

Saudi politics is commonly portrayed as reflecting a system of centralised personal rule in which decision-making power trickles down from the tightly knit power circles within the House of Saud. In contrast, this paper draws attention to the empowerment of quasi-autonomous state organisations in Saudi Arabia as a result of state transformation and regional integration. At its most extreme, state transformation in Saudi Arabia has created institutional and regulatory enclaves with vested interests and areas of competence that cross Saudi borders. This paper illustrates the foreign policy ramifications of transformed statehood in Saudi attempts to further Gulf regional integration in the context of the Gulf Monetary Union project.  相似文献   

    

Özge Zihnioğlu 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(3):503-520

Despite growing critical literature on external funding, the link between EU funding to Turkish civil society organisations (CSOs) and their depoliticisation remains understudied. This article fills this gap. This article explores EU funds in Turkey and shows the incentives it creates for a depoliticised civil society. Drawing on an original set of interviews with 45 CSOs, this article analyses how Turkish CSOs interact with EU funding and how this support impacts on Turkish civil society. This article argues that EU funding’s short-term, activity-based, measurable outcome and visibility-oriented structure contributed to the depoliticisation of those CSOs benefited from EU funds.  相似文献   

    

Maurizio Ferrera  Carlo Burelli 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(1):94-110

The recent economic shocks have severely tested the EU's political sustainability. The deep‐rooted and unending succession of existential crises demonstrates the sharp misalignment between the high degree of integration reached by the EU, its authority structure, and the absence of solidarity to sustain this structure. The contribution unfolds as follows: first, we claim that the Union has become a complex adaptive system and that attempts to restore the status quo ante are unrealistic. Section II shows that its authority structure is ill‐suited to steering the complex system because it lacks adequate instruments for addressing common risks and democratic externalities. Section III argues that contemporary EU leaders are failing to promote the principles of solidarity which, according to its founding father are required to disarm centrifugal tendencies. Section IV presents empirical evidence which signals the existence of considerable popular support for these pan‐European forms of solidarity.  相似文献   

    

R.J.G. Claassen 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(1):44-59

This contribution asks how to approach the question of whether the European Union should – replacing or supplementing member states – also be a locus of social justice‐based duties to provide welfare state services. The contribution scrutinizes two important theories of global justice (cosmopolitan and relational theories) and finds that their normative assumptions hinder them from adequately addressing this question. A new theory is proposed, inspired by Immanuel Kant's political philosophy. The core idea is that social justice requires public authorities to protect citizens against private forms of coercion; and that the level (national, European, global) at which such authority needs to be exercised depends on which arrangement best protects citizens' rights to independence. The paper outlines several duties of global justice to give specificity to this general principle, and then applies them to the case of integrating European welfare states.  相似文献   

    

Oliver Hing  Tobias Kunstein 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(2):298-316

We take a closer look at how political science engaged with Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) over a period of 12 years (2004–15). How intensively, and with what focus, have political science journals dealt with EMU? How has the scientific discourse on the topic changed with the outbreak of the global financial crisis, which led to a eurozone crisis? Our systematic, qualitative analysis of articles (N=161) dealing with EMU in selected peer‐reviewed political science journals yields a number of interesting findings. First, we observe marked differences between the pre‐ and post‐crisis period. Specifically, political science has increasingly taken up issues of financial regulation and questions of trust in a monetary union. Second, political scientists did not engage as much as expected with the democratic ramifications of the crisis management. Finally, different crisis narratives persist, and none have been completely refuted.  相似文献   

    

Philippe van Gruisen 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(4):692-709

Does the trio presidency system enhance efficiency in EU legislative decision‐making? Since 2007, fixed groups of three Member States have been required to set a joint 18‐month agenda, with each Member State taking 6‐month turns at the presidency. To date, however, there has been no empirical evidence that either confirms or refutes the notion that this system is efficient. In a study of the duration of Council decision‐making on 1,927 legislative proposals for the 2000–12 period, we obtain empirical support for the hypothesis that a common agenda leads to a significant decrease in the amount of time needed to reach a first agreement on regulations, directives and decisions. In addition, we show that the requirement to pre‐negotiate the agenda helps to moderate the effect of political conflict on the speed of decision‐making, thereby offering support to the recent decision to proceed with the trio presidency system until at least 2030.  相似文献   

    

Brandon M. Boylan  Ekaterina Turkina 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(6):1310-1332

To what extent do independence‐seeking political parties across Europe appeal to the European Union (EU)? What accounts for differences in these parties' communication levels? In accordance with the literature, we expect that such parties would bypass their host states and seek support from the EU for their nationalist causes, while the EU itself also offers institutional opportunities further enabling parties to solicit assistance, even if it does not always deliver what these parties want. To explore this argument, we conduct an online search for documents and other texts in which secessionist political parties directly and indirectly appeal to the EU and analyze them with social network tools. The resultant network is characterized by multiple parties communicating to the EU but to different degrees. We also find that moderate political ideology on the left–right spectrum, constituent support, and competition in the secessionist movement positively and significantly correlate with higher intensity of online communication.  相似文献   

    

Nina Perkowski 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(5):1182-1199

This article analyses Frontex through the lens of organizational sociology, challenging conventional accounts of the agency as a coherent, rational actor. Drawing on interviews and ethnographic fieldwork, it argues that Frontex can more appropriately be understood as a fragmented and only loosely coupled organization, with discrepancies existing between different units, languages and structures, and between those implementing Frontex operations on the ground, staff in the headquarters, and the management board. The article shows that, faced with contradictory demands, Frontex seeks to maintain support from its environment and to preserve legitimacy among its key stakeholders; in particular the European Parliament, the Commission and different member states. The loose coupling of the agency allows for the coexistence of different rationalities across different aspects of Frontex's work, catering to diverse stakeholders while also minimizing open conflict within the organization.  相似文献   

    

Roberto Baldoli  Claudio M. Radaelli 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(5):1165-1181

Nonviolence has an established tradition in several disciplines, including political theory, international relations and political science. But its potential for the European Union (EU) has not been appraised yet. Thus, we set out to explore nonviolence as an analytical and normative framework for the study of the EU. At the outset, we introduce nonviolence and define our approach to this concept. We then apply our analytical and normative framework to three critical issues concerning the nature of EU power, the democratic deficit and the narrative of integration. We find that nonviolence re‐defines the core dimensions of power and democracy, and imagines the EU in non‐state‐morphic ways, situating praxis at the roots of the integration process and its narrative.  相似文献