社区选举与民主化进程——选举制度及其变异

在推进民主化过程中,人们往往把遇到问题的原因归结为民众的参与不足和民主意识薄弱,其实,“不参与”和“没有意识”同样是民主的一种表现形式。调查表明,现在社区选举和民主自治的“走过场”现象,是民主制被形式化的证明,这是制度变异的结果。而只有符合居民利益需要的,从社区实际中设计出来的民主制度才是合适的,能够被居民接受和执行的民主。显然,在中国,基层社区的民主化是一个长期的、循序渐进的过程。     

《开放英语》（4）教学模式的探索

远程开放教育必须积极探索适合成人的英语教学模式。根据远程开放教育的课程及教学对象的特点,构建网络环境下导学、助学、促学三结合的教学模式,对于增强学生的自主学习能力,体现“以学生为中心”的现代教学理念,都是一种有益的尝试。     

后单位制时期街区集体抗争的产生及其逻辑——对一次街区集体抗争事件的实证分析

现有研究认为,虽然在单位制时期的街区经常看到的是强势的国家和原子化的居民,但自20世纪90年代中期以来,城市基层社会中一个突出现象就是维权性集体抗争的兴起.以发生J市的一次"垃圾压缩站"事件为例,对以上问题进行了讨论.并指出,后单位制时期街区集体抗争包括如下三个层面的逻辑一是通过媒体声援将特定的地方性问题变成公共话语;二是运用说服性沟通策略使抗争行动合法化;三是建构共识性危机使潜在动员者变成实际参与者.最后将街区集体抗争与乡村集体抗争作了简略比较.     

中国警政近代化过程中的文化阻力--兼论落后教育的影响

作为宪政运动组成部分的中国警察近代化是以移植西方警察制度为基本路径的,但近代中国等级特权观念依旧牢固,个人主义依然发达,"官本位"观念仍极浓厚,教育水平也很落后,国民文化素质普遍不高,致使曾成为社会进步表征的中国近代警察很难有所作为.     

构建政府主导型水环境综合治理机制——以云南滇池治理为例

论文基于利益博弈分析,论证了水环境治理有必要强化政府管制,单纯的市场机制和自主治理都不具有可持续性;与"自下而上"或"自上而下"机制相比较,政府主导型综合治理机制在效率和降低交易成本上更具有优势。近年来,云南滇池治理取得积极进展的经验表明,建立政府主导型综合性治理机制对提升水环境治理成效具有显著贡献。     

农民工城市融合概念及对城市感知关系的影响——基于上海农民工的调查研究

数以亿计的农民工和谐融入城市是当前以及未来中国社会发展中的重大问题。为了研究文化融合、经济融合、政治融合和社会融合等诸方面的因素是如何影响农民工对城市的感知关系水平的,基于2010年在沪农民工的问卷调查数据,考察了农民工城市融合诸因素对城市感知关系(生活满意度、认同度、未来发展意愿)的影响。发现:文化融合程度越高,农民工对上海的认同程度就越高,也会更愿意留在上海发展,但其生活满意度未必越高;经济融合程度越高,城市生活满意度、城市认同度和未来留在上海发展的意愿都越高;政治融合只对未来发展意愿有影响;社会融合越高,农民工对城市的认同度越高,对生活也越满意。研究为政府引导和促进农民工和谐融入城市提供了新的视角。     

山西参与国际区域经济合作的现状及环境因素分析

山西对外经济在"十一五"期间取得了较大发展,但也存在一些问题,比如对外贸易总量仍然偏低;出口逆差增加;利用外资规模偏小,总体水平偏低;利用外资产业面窄;外商直接投资的聚集效应不明显;高新技术区对全省高新产业的带动作用有限,等等。"十二五"期间,山西要扩大国际区域经济合作的范围,优化参与路径,面临着外部及内部两种因素的影响。外部因素主要是国际区域经济一体化趋势的加快以及中国自贸区政策的深入推进,内部因素主要有山西必须进行的资源型经济转型以及转型跨越带来的新机遇。     

丰富环境对脑梗死大鼠梗死灶周围血管内皮生长因子受体的影响

目的:研究丰富环境对大鼠局灶性脑梗死后梗死灶周围血管内皮生长因子受体的影响.方法:采用开颅电凝法制作SD大鼠右侧大脑中动脉缺血(MCAO)模型,术后第24小时随机分为丰富环境(EE)组和标准环境(SE)组.以免疫组织化学法检测血管内皮生长因子受体Flt-1及Flk-1的表达.结果:大鼠大脑中动脉闭塞后,缺血区神经元变性、坏死,Flt-1和Flk-1在缺血周边区表达明显增加,经丰富环境干预后,血管内皮生长因子受体表达大量增加.结论:丰富环境可促使血管内皮生长因子受体表达上调,进而促进微血管新生,有利于脑损伤修复.     

The Quest for a United Nations Specialised Agency for the Environment

Abstract

Recent years have seen intense intergovernmental deliberations on issues concerning governance in the field of environment. Their aim has been to address the role of the institutions that provide platforms for international environmental cooperation. There are two main lines of enquiry: the role of regime-specific institutions that cater to sectoral regulatory frameworks (popularly known as multilateral environmental agreements, or MEAs); and the role of institutions that are established to follow up on global environmental conferences or a specific environmental task. Most of these institutions reflect intergovernmental consensual process. However, there are concerns about their proliferation and there is a growing cacophony of calls to ‘bring coherence to the fragmented landscape of MEAs, intergovernmental bodies, UN system entities and other international organizations’ (Sha Zukang (2011) ‘Legal and policy dimensions of sustainable development: expected contribution of Rio + 20’, Environmental Policy and Law, 41(6), pp. 244–246, at p. 245). In fact the need to bring order to environmental governance has assumed great importance and urgency if environmental cooperation is to be achieved. This paper explores, in particular, the role of the United Nations Environment Programme and its potential for conversion to a specialised agency of the UN.     

Fractured International Environmental Governance and the Potential Role of the Commonwealth in Biodiversity and Climate Change

Abstract

This paper begins by examining the reasons behind most failures of governance, including fault lines in institutional and professional specialisation, and in ideology. These three, forever competing within and between themselves, frustrate attempts to find solutions to some of the world's most pressing challenges. Not least among these are environmental challenges, where preferences and priorities that are geographically, professionally or ideologically narrow inevitably fail to achieve solutions for the greater good. What role can the Commonwealth play in addressing the fracture lines that bedevil solutions for climate change and biodiversity? It may help to stimulate global action on these issues if it can encourage agreement across multidimensional global boundaries. We know the Commonwealth is not a leading global force for controlling climate change or biodiversity loss; but if it had the political will it could be an exemplar of how, between a group of vastly diverse countries across the globe—and on the global political stage—binding agreement and positive action on climate change and biodiversity could be promoted and perhaps achieved. One of the strongest features of the Commonwealth is the generation of long-standing legal and ethical norms whose appeal is obvious even if their implementation is lacking. These norms should not be limited to the rule of law, democracy and human rights, but should include environmental norms because these too are fundamental to a satisfactory human condition.