“Editorials at a Glance”: Cultural Policy,Gender, and Modernity in the World War I Bureau of Cartoons

Cultural policy during the Great War, rather than radiating from the central government, evolved from contemporary culture—propaganda, movies, and mass media. The state was a player, but quasi‐public organizations such as propaganda agencies, non‐state actors like the YMCA, and “public opinion” played important roles. The Committee on Public Information (CPI)—the government's propaganda committee—influenced Americans through books, advertisements, posters, and cartoons. This essay examines two of the CPI's efforts: the Bureau of Cartoons and the Division of Pictorial Publicity. In these materials, we can see the intersection of class‐based notions of gendered idealism and a developing media state's use of a sentimental culture of the Victorian middle‐class to represent and motivate the nation. With staff drawn primarily from advertising agencies and newspapers, the Committee's work shows how the formulation of cultural policy is the result of complex negotiated processes involving state interests, cultural liaisons, and ideological assumptions.     

From clouds of chemical warfare to blue skies of peace: the Tehran Peace Museum,Iran

Despite the limited number of peace museums around the world, there exists an essential role for existing peace museums to promote a culture of peace and peace education. The purpose of this article was to introduce the origins, rationale, scope and work of the Tehran Peace Museum in Iran. The concept of the museum is to facilitate peace education and develop peaceful environments drawn from the personal experiences of war survivors. The museum encompasses exhibitions about the horrors of chemical and nuclear warfare and is balanced with awareness programmes, bridge-building dialogues, connections with other peace museums and a comprehensive peace education programme catering for younger and older members of society. It offers the space and opportunity for a community of learning within the museum and welcomes fresh ideas and initiatives from visitors and volunteers. The Tehran Peace Museum is unique in its body of volunteers, men and women who have been directly affected by chemical weapons. They are involved in the Veterans Voices of Peace Oral History Project and actively voice the need for creating peaceful societies in today’s world.     

Introduction: claiming social citizenship

Social citizenship in the classical sense of T.H. Marshall has been declared to be eroded and to have lost its significance. The introduction to this special issue challenges this assumption and argues that recent anthropological work on social citizenship in post-colonial, post Cold War and post-socialist states have shown that social citizenship is relevant and is being claimed by citizens of these states. Historical notions of citizenship as well as claiming rights to state support in return for having worked for the state are at work here. Furthermore the contributions to this issue illustrate how notions and practices of social citizenship compete and sometimes replace other practices of claiming citizenship on the basis of ethnicity, nationality or cultural ties.     

Building the Rule of International Criminal Law: The Role of Judges and Prosecutors in the Apprehension of War Criminals

International criminal tribunals are weak institutions, especially since they do not have their own police forces to execute arrest warrants. Understandably then, much of the existing literature has focused exclusively on pressure from major powers and on changing domestic politics to explain the apprehension of suspected war criminals. In contrast, this article turns attention back to the tribunals themselves. I propose three ways in which the activities of international criminal tribunals impact compliance with arrest warrants: through the selection of individuals to indict, demonstrated leniency on some suspects and outreach to domestic legal professionals. Using a duration model that accounts for sample selection and data collected on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, I test these theories alongside other existing explanations. I find that court activities can have an independent effect on the successful implementation of international criminal law.

Kenneth B. Clark and the problem of power

ABSTRACT

During the early 1960s African American psychologist Kenneth B. Clark, known primarily for his involvement in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education US Supreme Court desegregation decision, began organizing an ambitious anti-poverty programme called Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited, Inc. (HARYOU). Dissatisfied by the lack of progress in school desegregation in New York City and discouraged by the inability of traditional social welfare organizations to address the problems of race and poverty, Clark argued that a new approach had to be developed to mobilize the black poor to gain the political and economic power that would solve their problems. At the same time, he theorized that a new form of racial segregation was beginning to develop in urban areas that foreshadowed increasing social isolation, economic dependence and declining municipal services for many African Americans. He called this new development ‘internal colonialism’ and hoped that HARYOU would be a demonstration project in the Kennedy–Johnson administration's War on Poverty that would address these problems from multiple perspectives. Nonetheless, the plan aroused the political opposition of Harlem Congressman Adam Clayton Powell. The dispute with Powell drove Clark from HARYOU and caused him to re-evaluate his thinking regarding African American leadership. He increasingly viewed the ‘ghetto’ as both a prison and a cocoon that satisfied white and black social, economic, political and psychological needs. By the end of his HARYOU experience, Clark coined the term ‘the new American dilemma’ to describe and theorize about an increasingly isolated and powerless black population in many urban centres. The term also signified his belief that the problem of power was intricately tied up in, while also separate from, the problem of race.     

论抗战时期广西政府文化政策

抗日战争时期,广西是全国文化事业发展得比较好的一个省份。特别是首府桂林的文化事业更是呈现出一片繁荣的景象,被誉为“抗战文化城”。这都与广西政府的文化政策有着紧密的联系。而影响文化政策改变的因素及这种文化政策所产生的影响是多方面的。     

鸦片战争前后的汉奸问题初探

汉奸问题曾一度成为鸦片战争前后中国一个较为突出的社会问题。从受外国侵略者驱使出卖祖国利益的不同行径看,鸦片战争前后的汉奸大致可分成五类即转卖鸦片者、接济逆夷者、煽惑百姓者、充作内应者、贿夷乞降者。清政府对汉奸的防范措施主要有加强对出海民船的管理;严格军队营门管理,实行暗号制度;加大暗查力度等。清政府对汉奸的处置措施主要有就地正法;递回原籍,责令地方官严加管束;“化奸为良”等。     

借鉴抗日民族统一战线历史经验推进祖国和平统一进程

本文从抗日民族统一战线与祖国和平统一大业的性质、实现途径、政治战略、斗争策略以及领导力量等多个维度阐述二者的内在联系.从抗日战争的正义性、民族性、复杂性说明抗日民族统一战线的国际性、广泛性、政策和策略的正确性,从而阐释对推进祖国和平统一进程的启示.     

抗战时期湘桂铁路股票发行成效及其原因评析

广西荔浦县档案馆藏有一些湘桂铁路股票。这些股票是在抗战爆发后，随着湘桂铁路修筑而开始发行的。广西省政府在发行过程中充当着非常重要的角色。股票的发行在一定程度上促进了湘桂铁路的建设。但是，蒋桂矛盾使其经济功能未能得到有效的发挥。     

台湾“高砂义勇队”考论

台湾被割让给日本后,原住民一直是日本殖民主义者严酷镇压和杀戮的对象,在被杀戮与反抗的过程中,“蕃人”(原住民)被改造为“高砂族”。由于太平洋侵略战争的需要,日本殖民主义者多次征召原住民组成“高砂义勇队”奔赴南洋各个战场,充当战争的“炮灰”。随着日本的战败,台湾回归中国,这些原住民组成的“高砂义勇队”也便成了历史难以体认的存在,因为他们从被屠戮者转变为受人驱使的杀戮者,这成为了历史的吊诡。历史学者有责任拨开迷障,揭示历史的真相并给予正确的评判。