莫迪执政以来印度海洋安全战略的观念与实践

2014年莫迪在印度执政以来,引领印度经济持续快速发展,印度其对外贸易、国内民生与国家安全对海洋的依赖越来越高。莫迪政府清醒认识到海洋特别是印度洋对印度的安全与发展的关键意义,并于2015年起适时调整海洋安全战略,将2007年确立的以“自由使用海洋”为主题的海上军事战略在有所继承的基础上调整为以“确保安全的海洋”为主题的海洋安全战略。这说明印度在自由使用海洋的过程中,遭遇了多样的海上安全挑战。来自海上以及发生在海上的安全风险直接影响到印度的对外贸易和海上运输、海洋经济活动的展开、海岸和港口城市的安全、海外资产与海外公民的安全,最终危及印度的国家安全。印度调整海上安全战略,明确以印度洋地区为首要利益区,同时加强以印度海军为主体的海上安全保障力量,为之确立多样任务目标下的军事战略,并积极采取有针对性的海上军事行动。同时,印度政府还通过外交手段,与周边邻国、关键的地区大国或国家集团以及全球大国建立双边和多边海上安全机制来应对多样的海上安全威胁,维护海洋安全,最终服务于印度的经济发展和国家安全,并为印度寻求印度洋的主导地位积累资本、创造条件。     

论西部地区的可持续发展问题

无论在发达国家,还是在发展中国家,可持续发展问题都受到越来越多的关注。西部地区是国家的生态屏障,其可持续发展问题不仅关系到西部地区经济社会的顺利发展,而且关系到整个国家经济社会的持续稳定发展。     

Intimate femicide in Israel; temporal, social, and motivational patterns

This study investigated all (76) cases of intimate femicide (the killing of women by their intimate male partners) in Israel during the years 1990–1995. The analysis focused on temporal patterns, the representation of various population groups, and given motives. The findings show a relationship between the incidence of intimate femicide and a number of major events/processes experienced by Israeli society during the period investigated. Following the Persian Gulf War (in 1991), during which families were enclosed for lengthy periods in sealed rooms, there was a sharp increase in intimate femicide. On the other hand, the enactment of the Law for the Prevention of Family Violence in 1991 was followed by a sharp (though temporary) decrease in intimate femicide in 1992. New immigrants from the former Soviet Union and even more so, from Ethiopia were over-represented among intimate femicide offenders. In most cases, more than one motive is given for the intimate femicide, with 'possessiveness' being mentioned in the majority of cases usually in conjunction with other motives (such as argument/conflict between the parties, mental, drinking or drug problems of the offender). Here too, differences were found between the various population groups. The findings are discussed within the framework of a stress-support theoretical model which postulates that violence in society will be positively related to stress factors and negatively related to support systems.     

在实施西部大开发战略中切实抓好政府职能转变和人才资源开发

本文围绕在实施西部大开发战略中切实抓好政府职能转变和人才资源开发这个主题,从四个方面进行了比较详尽的阐释,即①转变政府职能是计划经济转向市场经济的客观要求;②实施西部大开发战略对转变政府职能提出了新的更高的要求;③当前转变政府职能要认真抓好的几项工作;④搞好人才资源开发建设,建设四川人才高地。     

关注配额 超越数字:比较中印两国妇女参政中的配额制

目前,配额制已成为促进妇女参政的重要机制之一。本文从中国和印度妇女与配额制有关的参政运动开始,比较两种道路的同与不同以及背后的原因。进而引发出有关的问题和思考:在配额制问题上如何既关注数字又超越数字?在妇女参政问题上如何激活我们的历史传统?妇女为什么要参与政治?参与进去后到底要干什么?     

内涵式发展与边际式变革--以传统市场为中心的中西比较

明清经济在日趋成熟的、既有市场体系与制度框架内呈现为内涵式发展,虽然巨大的全国统一市场产生的经济推动力,推动了地权市场的发育,促进了生产要素组合与资源配置,带来规模效益、生产效率与经济活力,但也导致了当时内部或外部的变革诱因与异质因素难以生长,而且在近代改变这一制度时要付出极高的成本;同时期的西欧则由制度非均衡引发持续变革,内部市场的割据使各国致力于海外市场的开拓,在各国间的制度竞争中,新的质素与机制破土而出.     

关于中国在缅军事基地的谣传

近15年来,涉及中国在缅军事基地的报道和论著源源不断。虽未获得证实,但中国对北印度洋的渗透的传闻已深刻影响缅甸邻国,尤其是印度的战略思维。安达曼海大椰子树岛的大型情报站和伊洛瓦底江三角洲海基岛海军基地的报告,已被作为缅甸沦为中国附属国的佐证。在其他观察家看来,这些基地的存在,明确显示就是中国在印度洋进行扩张的计划,甚至是它的全球野心。然而,印度政要于2005年承认,关于中国在大椰子树岛设置情报站的报告有假,并承认缅甸并无中国海军基地。因此彻底改变印度国防计划人员10多年来关注的两大焦点,导致人们怀疑有关缅甸存在其他"中国基地"的说法,进而引起对中缅关系现状及中国在北印度洋的战略利益的思考。     

India’s South-South Cooperation in Human Resource Development

ABSTRACT

The article reviews several of the main modalities of India’s human resources’ involvement with other developing economies, and especially those in Africa. These involve the provision of long-term scholarships and short-term professional training awards. Comparison is made, in the case of international students, between the scholarship and privately funded categories, and also between those from Commonwealth and non-Commonwealth countries. Comparable data on such assisted foreign student flows are also offered in respect of South Africa. Other modalities of India’s HRD engagement with Africa are analysed, including those associated with the India-African Forum Summits (IAFS). India also does capacity building through non-state actors, notably nongovernment organisations and the private sector. Furthermore, it promotes cultural diplomacy through its Indian Cultural Centres and Chairs of Indian Studies, though these are not restricted to developing economies. Although attention is paid to the Commonwealth dimension in these comparisons, it is acknowledged that the classification of students and countries as Commonwealth may not be as widespread or meaningful today as 60 years ago.