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321.
李渤 《东北亚论坛》2006,15(6):90-93
冷战结束以来,经过短期的波动,俄罗斯与印度的关系有了长足的发展,但是一些负面影响也日益突显出来。在导致这些负面影响的诸因素中,虽然现实的政治与经济目标是俄印两国关系中的决定性因素,但在长期社会历史发展过程中形成的俄罗斯人与印度人的疑虑、偏见、独立性、对西方的态度及殖民地心理等诸多心理因素给俄罗斯与印度关系的发展带来诸多麻烦和困难,致使现实乃至未来俄罗斯与印度关系发展存在相当程度的不确定性。  相似文献   
322.
The Reuniting Families project attempts to aid federal, state and local agencies currently working towards the identification of deceased undocumented immigrants. This initiative has created a distributed on-line database, accessible by public officials and private citizens interested in searching for missing individuals based on both phenotypic and genotypic characteristics. This broad effort includes the exhumation of individuals from geographically disparate pauper graves, the classification of their physical characteristics, and the cataloging of observed metric traits in a local relational database, to include associated articles of possession and related metadata. Concurrent with the documentation of physical forensic evidence is the analysis of mitochondrial DNA sequences. Computational techniques and scoring parameters are applied to automate the process of discovery and identification as well at to preserve information on the missing. The result is a prototype knowledge base that may serve as a model for future efforts in international forensic science collaborations.  相似文献   
323.
This article evaluates the extent to which the legislative changes relating to foreign exchange that have taken place in India within the last few decades, and in particular after 1991, have made an impact on the presence of foreign firms in the economy. The data cover the period 1957–1958 to 2001–2002, and include the entire population of India’s corporate sector. In the period after reforms commenced in 1991, the number of foreign firms in India has increased very substantially. The transformation of the foreign exchange regulation act (FERA) to the foreign exchange management act (FEMA) in 1999 has had a positive effect in inducing foreign firms to India. The FEMA legislation simplifies the maze of controls, procedures and bureaucratic minutiae that have to be observed by all those undertaking to set up and operate a business in India. The changes in the legislative regimes make India attractive as an investment destination for foreign firms.
Sumit K. MajumdarEmail:
  相似文献   
324.
In an agency that provided court ordered domestic violence treatment, practitioners observed that recently arrived Latino immigrant men failed to respond to the Duluth model. This observation led to implementation of a culturally sensitive intervention that took into consideration Latino cultural values and environmental stressors on immigrant families. Healing themes were selected that required the men to confront personal trauma and negative acculturation experiences and connect these to conflict and partner abuse. The approach was designed to help the men stop the abuse, preserve partner relationships, and strengthen family life. The goal was not to equalize power between male and female partners, but to help the men gain the attitudes and relationship skills needed for respectful and compassionate family leadership.  相似文献   
325.
任佳 《南亚东南亚研究》2020,(2):56-65,150,151
《萨格尔马拉国家远景规划》于2015年5月25日被印度联合内阁批准通过,并于2016年4月在孟买首届"海事印度峰会上发布。这一规划是印度中长期发展战略,也是印度海运部的旗舰项目,其核心是"港口导向型发展"战略,主要确定了四大支柱,即港口现代化、港口互联互通、港口导向工业化、沿海社区发展。这一规划的实施对印度制造业的推进将是革命性的,将以最小的基础设施投资降低进出口和国内贸易的物流成本。规划的影响也将是深远的,通过优化货物运输来降低物流成本,提升原材料、技能、配套基础设施和现有产业集聚的竞争力,以吸引世界制造业向印度转移;要通过适当的政策和机构干预,支持和加强港口导向发展,为印度经济发展提供动力;促进港口主导的经济社会发展和对外合作,是该国印度洋战略的重要依托,会对印度洋战略形成有利支撑;印度的新海洋战略与其东向行动政策配合,还会大大拓展印—太战略空间,将加强印太合作、夯实印太战略。因此,我们应深入研究中印发展战略,在两国领导人引领下建立两国互信机制,对接印度港口导向型发展战略,与印度联手参与孟中印缅经济走廊地区的港口建设。加强国际地区问题协调、引领建立地区非传统安全合作机制,共同开发南亚、东南亚、中东、非洲国家第三方市场。  相似文献   
326.
区域安全治理是全球安全治理的重要组成部分,对于维护地区安全和稳定发挥着重要作用。伴随印度洋区域安全治理主体的多元化,无论是主权国家还是国际组织纷纷加入本区域安全治理之中,履行各自安全治理职责,合作方式已经成为各个安全治理主体在治理过程中的重要工具选择,这标志着印度洋区域安全治理初步形成,在维护本区域安全和发展方面发挥着独特作用。尽管中国参与印度洋护航的力度不断加大,但受多种因素的影响,中国在印度洋区域安全治理过程中参与较少,作用有限,这种状况与中国作为世界第二大经济体和负责任大国担当的身份严重不符。随着印度洋地缘战略通道对中国未来发展重要性的不断提升,特别是印度洋区域安全治理失效和克服域内外个别大国战略误判带来的消极影响,使中国参与印度洋区域安全治理的必要性和紧迫性逐渐加大。中国作为印度洋区域安全治理的重要主体之一,参与印度洋区域安全治理已是不可或缺,并将在引导印度洋区域安全治理的理念和价值取向、提升和夯实印度洋区域安全治理能力和基础、推动印度洋区域安全治理合作等方面有所作为,为维护印度洋区域安全与稳定,为实现人类命运共同体贡献中国方案。  相似文献   
327.
How does international migration impact the composition of the demos? Constitutional doctrines and democratic theories suggest contrasting responses: an insular one excludes both non‐citizen immigrants and citizen‐emigrants; a deterritorialised one includes all citizens wherever they reside; a postnational one includes all residents and only these. This article argues that none of these predicted responses represents the dominant pattern of democratic adaptation, which is instead a level‐specific expansion of the national franchise to include non‐resident citizens and of the local franchise to include non‐citizen residents. This is demonstrated by analysing an original dataset on voting rights in 31 European and 22 American countries, and outlining a level‐sensitive normative theory of citizenship that provides support for this pattern as well as a critical benchmark for current franchise policies. The findings can be summarised in two inductive generalisations: (1) Voting rights today no longer depend on residence at the national level and on citizenship of the respective state at the local level; (2) Voting rights do, however, generally depend on citizenship of the respective state at the national level and on residence at the local level. In the article, these are called the patterns of franchise ‘expansion’ and ‘containment’. The former supports the idea of widespread level‐specific expansion of the franchise and refutes the insular view of the demos. The latter signals corresponding level‐specific restrictions, which defeats over‐generalised versions of deterritorialised or postnational conceptions of the demos. In order to test how robust this finding is, cases are analysed where the dominant patterns of expansion have been resisted and where unexpected expansion has occurred. With regard to the former, the article identifies constitutional and political obstacles to voting rights expansion in particular countries. With regard to the latter, the article shows that even where national voting rights have been extended to non‐citizen residents, containment remains strong through indirect links to citizenship.  相似文献   
328.
西部民族文化资源的综合开发与产业化的思考   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
对我国西部地区丰富的民族文化资源进行综合开发并实现其产业化是西部文化建设、西部大开发不可或缺的重要组成部分.我们必须充分认识民族文化资源开发的地位和作用,解放思想,更新观念,从西部文化建设、西部大开发乃至整个社会主义现代化建设的全局出发,制定正确的战略和规划,采取积极有效措施,不断将民族文化资源优势转化为民族文化产业优势和经济优势,有力推动西部地区经济、政治、文化协调发展和社会的全面进步.  相似文献   
329.
西部大开发的目的是为了消除贫困,缩小差距,促进西部地区经济、社会、文化和生态环境的协调、持续、快速发展,在大开发中西部及民族地区是主体,必须充分发挥民族地区自治权的政治优势,目前对民族地区自治权的重视及其制定、行使和保障机制等方面都有待完善和健全。  相似文献   
330.
《Labor History》2012,53(3):250-267
ABSTRACT

Shorter-hour struggles are a key element in the historical study of organized labor. Little attention has been paid, however, to long-term changes in the rationale underlying demands for work time reductions. Comparing arguments formulated by German workers around 1900 with arguments put forward half a century later, this article detects a fundamental narrowing of discourse in twentieth-century labor disputes. While trade unions once drew on a strikingly broad rationale when demanding work time reductions, the post-WW II decades witnessed a strategic departure from arguments that had long constituted the bedrock of shorter-hour rhetoric. Analyzing a leading theoretical labor organ as well as the members’ publication of West Germany’s largest single-industry union, the article reveals that work time reductions were increasingly framed as a powerful measure to improve workers’ health and safety and to increase leisure and family time. In so doing, West German trade unions abandoned a crucial link between work time reductions and the vision for a more democratic and participatory society. The article thus shows how strategic bargaining decisions helped undermine the rich legacy of the historical struggle for shorter hours.  相似文献   
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