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441.
北宋前期,宋廷对吐蕃的招抚发生于宋、夏、蕃三者错综复杂的争夺形势之中。北宋对吐蕃的招抚具有军事、经济、政治综合经制的鲜明特点,"抚而有之"收到了一定的效果。但是,宋王朝招抚吐蕃所具有的时代与阶级的局限性却规定着宋蕃关系发展的最终走向。  相似文献   
442.
This paper analyzes the institutionalized production of precarious migration status in Canada. Building on recent work on the legal production of illegality and non-dichotomous approaches to migratory status, we review Canadian immigration and refugee policy, and analyze pathways to loss of migratory status and the implications of less than full status for access to social services. In Canada, policies provide various avenues of authorized entry, but some entrants lose work and/or residence authorization and end up with variable forms of less-than-full immigration status. We argue that binary conceptions of migration status (legal/illegal) do not reflect this context, and advocate the use of ‘precarious status’ to capture variable forms of irregular status and illegality, including documented illegality. We find that elements of Canadian policy routinely generate pathways to multiple forms of precarious status, which is accompanied by precarious access to public services. Our analysis of the production of precarious status in Canada is consistent with approaches that frame citizenship and illegality as historically produced and changeable. Considering variable pathways to and forms of precarious status supports theorizing citizenship and illegality as having blurred rather than bright boundaries. Identifying differences between Canada and the US challenges binary and tripartite models of illegality, and supports conducting contextually specific and comparative work.  相似文献   
443.
社会性别作为一个重要的分析范畴,对理解艾滋病在全球范围内的传播有着重要作用。本文从个体、人际关系和文化层次,总结上世纪90年代以来西方学者在艾滋病性风险行为研究中引入的社会性别因素,及其在不同文化背景下的应用情况,并展望了未来艾滋病性风险行为在社会性别途径的研究方向。  相似文献   
444.
在西部大开发中,如何借鉴日资在东部沿海地区投资成功的经验,采取适合于西部地区的新的投资战略,不仅对日本企业,而且对西部地区的开发具有重要意义。  相似文献   
445.
西部生态环境问题及对策   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
刘建辉  陈宇 《思想战线》2002,28(3):40-42
我国西部地区生态环境脆弱 ,近年来由于经济发展过程的一些不正确行为 ,使得西部地区生态环境问题日趋严重。中央提出西部大开发战略 ,在西部开发中生态环境的保护必须予以高度的重视。目前西部生态环境问题恶化的原因 ,除气候的因素致使西部生态问题脆弱外 ,更与长期以来的鼓励人口增殖政策和政府的政策不力有关。要保证西部大开发不以牺牲环境为代价 ,必须一靠政府有效干预 ,正确引导 ;二靠加强技术进步 ,转变资源配置方式 ,此外 ,还要牢固地树立“可持续发展”观念  相似文献   
446.
Abstract

Maritime security capacity-building is a growing field of international activity. It is an area that requires further study, as a field in its own right, but also as an archetype to develop insights for capacity-building and security sector reform in other arenas. This article is one of the first to analyse this field of activity. Our empirical focus is on the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region. Here, international actors have launched multiple capacity-building projects, initially in response to Somali piracy. We document the significance, extent and variety of capacity-building activities in this region and examine the ways in which capacity-building at sea has incorporated innovative characteristics that develop and expand the capacity-building agenda as traditionally understood. Our conclusion highlights the need to pay more attention to the maritime domain in international security and development studies and considers ways in which the maritime capacity-building experience may offer important lessons for other fields of international policy.  相似文献   
447.
走自己的路是中国特色社会主义的精髓。走自己的路有两个指向,最初是针对苏联提出来的,后来又有针对西方的意味。走自己的路有两层含义;走自己的路曾经侧重于"不"字,强调与他人的差别,而走自己的路的真谛是自主选择。只有国力的强大和理论的成熟,才能以我为主,真正地走自己的路。  相似文献   
448.
The London bombings in 2005 led to the perception that the terrorist threat had changed from external to internal. This became conceptualized shortly after as “homegrown terrorism.” This article deals with the meaning and scope of this phenomenon. We begin by tracing an ambiguity in the term “homegrown,” which is both about belonging in the West and autonomy from terrorist groups abroad. A quantitative study of Islamist terrorism in the West since 1989 reveals an increase in both internal and autonomous terrorism since 2003 and that most plots are now internal—but not autonomous. Finally we suggest that an increase in autonomous terrorism is a transitory phenomenon.  相似文献   
449.
In this article, I use Alastair Johnston's concept of strategic culture re-visited through a critical constructivist perspective to analyze the representations of India's strategic culture and nuclear policy choices. In doing so, I explore how the representational practices of (and the mutually-constitutive relation between) India's nationalist identity/Self and its strategic environment, facilitated via its political leaders’ ideological lenses, have produced shifting representations of India's strategic environment to justify the nation's nuclear policy choices. In exploring this representational linkage between India's strategic environment and its nuclear (in)securities, I am cognizant that anarchy is a challenge facing India's task of nation-making and thus realism serves as a partially valid explanation for understanding the logic proliferation. Yet, my study demonstrates how culturally guided interpretations of what constitutes the Indian Self have divergently re-interpreted India's strategic environment and (in)securities to define the nation's nuclear policy choices.  相似文献   
450.
Abstract

This article uses the example of West Kalimantan to show some new ways of studying opportunities for violence, contributing especially to the so-called ‘sons of the soil’ conflict debate. By showing that the opportunity structure in West Kalimantan was not primarily material, but social, related to ways to circumvent fear of and norms against violence, this article attempts to update the theoretical premises of the traditional security studies approach to obstacles to conflict and opportunities for violence. The intention is to show how socially constructed realities are relevant in offering and denying opportunities for violence, and how the study of the meanings of actions reveals ways in which opportunities for violent demonstrative argumentation are born in local conflict discourses. The case study shows how powerful narratives enable the justification of violent action and how identities and violent policies mutually constitute each other. This way the empirical evidence calls for understanding the generative and constitutive sources of violence, which are not simply mechanistic causes of conflict.  相似文献   
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