Is it none of their business? Business and democratization,the case of Turkey

This article explains how the Turkish business' regime preferences have evolved from pro-authoritarian to pro-democratic in the context of dual transitions, in response to changes in incentive structures shaped by domestic, regional and international parameters. It particularly focuses on big business and highlights the central role that greater exposure to international competition during the course of opening up and liberalization played in the evolution of its regime preferences. The article suggests that the central mechanism which has led to the regime preference change is socialization by strategic calculation facilitated by business' increasing incorporation into transnational networks. It asserts that the Turkish big business' experience is particularly interesting because international exposure not only created new opportunities for big business, but also new divisions and rivalries within the business community. These new rivals formed flourishing alliances with the government, with their accompanying claims to power that challenged the big business' previous hegemony in accessing state resources. In the process, big business' fear of losing its privileged status to rival business groups and the resulting uncertainties led big business to associate democratization with higher benefits, as they became increasingly aware of the link between democratization and diminished uncertainties, through their interaction with transnational business networks. Consequently, big business consolidated its pro-democratic stance as shifting domestic alliances enhanced the need for diminishing uncertainties, while internationalization along with the prospect of EU membership increased the cost of status quo.     

Does civil war breed authoritarian values? An empirical study of Bosnia-Herzegovina,Kosovo and Croatia

This article analyses how armed conflict affects individual support for liberal values. It is commonly assumed that the consolidation of democracy depends on individual values such as tolerance as well as aspirations of civil and political liberty. For post-conflict societies, consolidating democracy is also a means of reducing the risk of recurring violent conflict. However, democracy has proven to be especially hard to achieve and consolidate in ethnically divided societies. While previous research has centred mainly on institutions and political elites, I expand the focus to also include ordinary citizens. Using survey data from post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Croatia, I examine the effect of exposure to violence on a scale of authoritarian values. While the effects are small, the results show that war-related violence in some cases leads people to embrace authoritarian values.     

美欧发达国家“再工业化”对中国跨境资金流动的影响及对策

金融危机后,为了重振本土工业,美欧等发达国家将“再工业化”作为重塑竞争优势的重要战略,推出了大力发展新兴产业、鼓励科技创新、支持中小企业发展等政策和措施,使得贸易保护主义进一步抬头,国际贸易摩擦进一步加剧,贸易壁垒进一步抬高。关注“再工业化”背景下国际贸易以及政策的发展变化对跨境资金流动的可能影响,把握其趋势变化,对指导外汇管理工作,具有十分重要的意义。该文简要介绍了美国提出“再工业化”的背景,收集整理了美欧发达国家“再工业化”措施,分析了美欧发达国家“再工业化”对中国跨境资金流动的影响,提出了强化中国跨境资金流动管理的对策建议。     

郊区城市化: 从发达国家的发展模式论中国的发展选择

郊区城市化就是城市化进程中,城市发展在越过了聚集发展阶段后,出现的分散发展状态,在这一阶段大城市开始对更广大的腹地产生辐射作用,郊区和更广泛的农村地区进入城市化阶段。发达国家在经历了城市集中发展阶段后都经历过郊区城市化阶段,在这一阶段城市化率达到较高水平,人口、工业、商业等先后从城市中心区向郊区迁移,德国、美国、澳大利亚、英国以及日本等发达国家城市发展的郊区化模式表明,交通条件、工业化进程、郊区的基础设施以及规划政策等是城市化进程后期阶段郊区化的主要驱动因素。中国郊区化的驱动因素与发达国家有所不同。中国从20世纪80年代就进入了郊区城市化阶段,自此郊区小城镇进入快速发展阶段。中国在郊区城市化进程中要充分借鉴发达国家成功经验,协调好各种因素发挥聚合整合作用。     

中国第二次继受大陆法系与罗马法教学的转型简

清末中国第一次继受大陆法系,实际上继受的是这一法系中的德国法族,中国对于拉丁法族的继受开始于1989年意大利和中国订立法学交流协议后,从此,有70多名学者受教于意大利大学以及拉丁关洲国家的大学,把拉丁法族的精髓带入中国,形成中国德国学派和拉丁学派争鸣的格局,完成了对大陆法系的全面继受。第一次继受是被迫的;第二次继受是自愿的、和平的。由于第二次继受,中国的罗马法教学完成了转型,表现为更多地通过罗马法原始文献学习罗马法,优士丁尼《法学阶梯》开始被作为罗马私法课的教材使用。     

The Relationship Between High Education and Labor Market in Western Balkan Countries

This paper deals with the relationship between high education and labor market in Western Balkan countries. Having in mind that all these countries are in transitional process, suffering from poor economics, poor level of investments, and high unemployment rates, it would be wise that the governments and political elites put the quality of knowledge high on agenda, regarding it as the vital incentive instrument for economic and social development. All social and political subjects should be devoted to procuring good quality of knowledge, which is sensitive to the labor market＇s needs in all fields. This study attempts to find answer on the question why it is not so, making qualitative, quantitative, and empirical research. It analyzes the relationship between high education and labor market＇s needs, identifies main factors which influence this relationship, focusing on main influence of political interests and values. The paper presents rare good cases, as lessons from experience for the future.     

西方宪法文化对我国的影响与启示简

在宪法和制度的意义上,我国似乎自古以来就缺乏建立和完善制度的能力.在宪法文化中,能力及力量的不平衡是权力作为解决冲突方式的前提与基础.而平等是制度运作的基本前提.西方宪法文化对我国宪法文化建设很有启发,向我们指明了制度经常是利益斗争和调和的产物,其产生需要建立在一定基本共识和共同观念之上,制度对宪法文化也有相应的反作用.因此,我们可以从宪法实施入手,并加强对宪法文化权利的保护宣扬我国宪法文化.     

The limits of regulatory convergence: globalization and GMO politics in the south

Is globalization promoting regulatory convergence in agricultural biotechnology policies in the South? This article examines the nature and limits of regulatory convergence in the field of agri-biotechnology and investigates the effects that international forces have on biotechnology and biosafety policies in developing countries. Based on detailed case studies of Mexico, China and South Africa this article shows that these three leading biotechnology countries in the South are exposed to powerful international influences but are responding to the regulatory challenges of genetically modified organisms (GMO) adoption in distinctive ways. The existing regulatory polarization between US and EU biotechnology approaches has not forced a convergence around either of these two international models. GMO policies in the South do not simply follow the binary logic of the US–EU regulatory conflict. Instead, they integrate elements from both regulatory approaches and are steering a course that suggests substantial regulatory diversity in the South. The globalization of biotechnology thus goes hand in hand with regulatory diversity in the developing world. Furthermore, regulatory polarization between the EU and US has helped to open up political space in key developing countries.     

发展中国家分权化治理的进程、框架及际遇考察——从分权化改革到分权化治理

20世纪70年代后,广大发展中国家相继进行了分权化改革运动,并逐步形成了一种分权化治理模式。本文在分析发展中国家推进分权化改革的动因和方略的基础上,梳理了分权化治理的概念框架及目标,最后对发展中国家在治理模式创新的际遇中发展和完善问题进行了评价和分析。     

东道国法制环境对中国企业“走出去”的影响

企业"走出去"是我国参与国际经济合作的重要途径。目前,我国海外直接投资企业足迹遍布五大洲,海外投资规模不断扩大,投资主体也日趋多元化。我国企业在"走出去"取得成效的同时,还面临很多困难,有时甚至遭受严重的挫折。加强对东道国法制环境的研究,可以帮助企业减少"走出去"的障碍,最大限度地实现海外投资目标。