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191.
Sebastian Wolf 《Swiss Political Science Review》2011,17(1):51-74
Abstract: Der Aufsatz beschäftigt sich vorwiegend aus einer theoretischen Perspektive mit Korruption als einer bestimmten Form von Devianz in Kleinstaaten, insbesondere Mikrostaaten: Weisen sie Besonderheiten im Hinblick auf Korruptionsanfälligkeit, das Kosten‐Nutzen‐Verhältnis von Korruption sowie die Korruptionsbekämpfung auf? Zunächst wird eine grobe Kosten‐Nutzen‐Analyse für Kleinstaaten im Hinblick auf Korruption skizziert. Es folgt ein Versuch, darüber hinausgehend strukturelle korruptionserhöhende oder korruptionsreduzierende Einflussfaktoren für das Korruptionsniveau in kleinen politischen Systemen zu benennen. Daraufhin wird anhand eines Stufenmodells diskutiert, wann und gegebenenfalls in welcher Weise Kleinstaaten aktiv Korruptionsbekämpfung betreiben. Einige der in den verschiedenen Abschnitten entwickelten Überlegungen werden am Beispiel Liechtensteins punktuell veranschaulicht. Der Beitrag versteht sich als theoretische Vorstudie für weiterführende empirische Analysen. 相似文献
192.
Taras Kuzio 《Communist and Post》2011,44(3):221-232
Conspiracy theories in Ukraine draw on inherited Soviet political culture and political technology imported from Russia where such ideas had gained ascendancy under President Vladimir Putin. Eastern Ukrainian and Russian elites believed that the US was behind the 2000 Serbian Bulldozer, 2003 Georgian Rose and 2004 Orange democratic revolutions. The Kuchmagate crisis, impending succession crisis, 2004 presidential elections and Orange Revolution – all of which took up most of Leonid Kuchma’s second term in office – were the first significant domestic threats to Ukraine’s new, post-communist ruling elites and in response Ukraine’s elites revived Soviet style theories of conspiracies and ideological tirades against the US and Ukrainian nationalism. Opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko became the focal point against which the conspiracies and tirades were launched because his support base lay in ‘nationalist’ Western Ukraine and he has a Ukrainian-American spouse. The revival of Soviet style conspiracy theories has become important since Viktor Yanukovyc’s election as Ukrainian president in 2010 because this political culture permeates his administration, government and Party of Regions determining their worldview and influencing their domestic and foreign policies. 相似文献
193.
This research aims to determine variables that affect the aggregate value of incoming cross-border M&As in European transitional countries. Dynamic panel models have been estimated using Arellano and Bond GMM estimator for period between year 1994 and 2008. The ratio of the total value of cross-border M&A to GDP of the country is the dependent variable. Independent variables include following indicators: lagged value of cross-border M&A to GDP, lagged GDP per capita, lagged GDP growth, inflation, interest rate spread, lagged private credit to GDP ratio, market capitalization to GDP ratio, lagged rule of law and lagged control of corruption. 相似文献
194.
"文本主义"是WTO上诉机构所倚重的条约解释方法,这种"文本主义"的方法在适用于服务贸易具体承诺表的解释时,可能会产生增加WTO成员在《WTO协定》项下义务的负面效果。因此,服务贸易具体承诺表的解释中有必要引入单个缔约国意图的解释因素。此外,鉴于《WTO协定》文本并不完美,存在着"空白"之处,在特定情形中有必要引入《维也纳条约法公约》第31、32条规定之外的条约解释习惯规则,"遇有疑义,从宽解释"即为适例。 相似文献
195.
Export processing zones (EPZs) are increasingly being established to promote economic growth in developing countries. However,
they remain controversial and are often criticized for being associated with a “race to the bottom” characterized by the easing
of labor and environmental standards. This paper investigates whether the decision to locate facilities inside these zones
is associated with higher corporate environmental performance. Findings indicate that facilities operating in Trinidad and
Tobago’s EPZs are more likely to show higher corporate environmental performance than those outside. Additionally, firms in
state-managed zones appear to show higher corporate environmental performance than those located in privately managed zones.
Enhanced institutional pressures from regulators, local communities, and fellow tenant firms may explain these differences.
These results suggest that environmental policy makers and environmentalists can take advantage of already established EPZs
to promote enclave enhanced institutional pressures associated with superior corporate environmental performance.
相似文献
Jorge E. Rivera (Corresponding author)Email: |
196.
In this article, we comprehensively analyze the macro-level link between income inequality and electoral turnout. First, we re-examine prior studies which affirm that higher inequality puts a drain on electoral turnout in wealthy industrialized Western countries. Second, we evaluate whether there is an association between the two concepts in a larger, more representative sample of democratic elections around the world. Third, we analyze if income inequality has a different influence on participation in the Western and non-Western countries. Controlling for nine theoretically informed covariates, we assess these claims in a multilevel framework with evidence from more than 550 democratic elections between 1970 and 2010. We find little evidence that electoral turnout is affected by income inequality. Our results also indicate that this “null” effect does not differ between the Western- and the non-Western world. However, we do find evidence that mandatory voting laws and more decisive elections boost turnout considerably. 相似文献
197.
张翼星 《北京行政学院学报》2012,(3):108-112
严复在我国近现代教育史上开创了教育救国的道路,最早制定了德、智、体全面育人的方针,在文化上他突破"中体西用"的模式,主张从体用一致上全面学习西方的长处,达到救国图强的目的。严复是北京大学首任校长,在艰难条件下对维护北大生存和开创学科改革有过重大贡献。严复的教育思想和行为品格,对我国当代教育也有诸多启发。 相似文献
198.
Joshua Gellers 《政策研究评论》2012,29(4):523-543
Why do some countries have constitutional environmental rights while others do not? In this paper, I conduct statistical analyses to respond to this inquiry. Through studying the impact of intraregional constitutional design, I aim to understand why states adopt environmental rights. I argue that regional isomorphism—i.e., the tendency among states within a region to converge on certain policies—may explain the trend toward constitutionalization of environmental rights. In this paper I (1) define and provide historical background on environmental rights, (2) describe theories which support regional isomorphism as a means of explaining the adoption of constitutional environmental rights, and (3) conduct statistical tests to determine the validity of the regional isomorphism thesis. I find that the enactment of constitutional environmental rights within a region does not increase the likelihood that another state within the same region will include environmental rights within its constitution. 相似文献
199.
200.
Michael Givel 《政策研究评论》2012,29(5):645-660
This paper examines policy outputs associated with the 2004 Bhutan antitobacco law, including 2009 amendments, to determine if the law is congruent with punctuated equilibrium or social policy realism theories of policy change. There was no direct and sudden tobacco policy output change in Bhutan due to a shock to the policy system contrary to what punctuated equilibrium theory would predict. Rather, policy change was sweeping but nonpunctuated. This paper reconfirms prior findings of social policy realism theory that various and complex policy output patterns occur due to a mixture of contingent and complex factors. Under social policy realism, a complex interplay of factors drive policy with the state, corporate actors, and interest groups, and the market often playing a primary role. These complex policy outputs have a direct impact on society and the natural environment reflected in government policy output actions or inactions. 相似文献