西北少数民族地区公民权利保障的城乡差距分析

西北少数民族地区公民权利保障水平在提高的同时,存在着严重的城乡差距,这种差距既是我国城乡差距的反映,也体现了西北少数民族地区的自身特点。分析这种差距,为政府增强对西北少数民族地区农牧民权利的救助提供理论帮助。     

非农化进程中农村劳动力转移的性别分析

农村劳动力的非农转移是我国非农化进程的重要特征.运用社会性别的视角,分析我国改革开放以来农村劳动力非农转移过程中的性别转移顺序和劳动性别分工,可以发现这种性别差异是一种性别发展差距,而性别发展差距的实质是性别不平等的体现.这种性别发展差距危害农村妇女的利益和社会公正的实现,而且性别发展差距的存在有着直接的现实原因和深层次的社会文化原因.     

TRENDS IN THE GENDER GAP IN VIOLENT OFFENDING: NEW EVIDENCE FROM THE NATIONAL CRIME VICTIMIZATION SURVEY*

Recent research has compared male and female trends in violent offending in Uniform Crime Report (UCR) arrest data with similar trends derived from victims' reports in the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) and has concluded that the two data sources produce contrary findings. In this article, we reassess this issue and draw different conclusions. Using pooled National Crime Survey (NCS) and NCVS data for 1973 to 2005, we find that the female‐to‐male offending rate ratios for aggravated assault, robbery, and simple assault have increased over time and that the narrowing of the gender gaps is very similar to patterns in UCR arrest data. In addition, we find that these patterns are in part caused by larger decreases in male than female offending after the mid‐1990s and not by recent increases in violent offending rates among females. We conclude that changes in the gender gaps in aggravated assault, robbery, and simple assault are real and not artifacts; therefore, these changes deserve serious attention in future research. We conclude with a discussion of several hypotheses that might account for a narrowing of the gender gap in nonlethal violent offending over time.     

我国电子政务发展过程中存在的问题与路径选择

20世纪90年代以来,电子政务在我国的出现,将政府管理的改革与创新推向了一个前所未有的阶段。然而,我国电子政务的发展遇到了重重困难。正视问题并采取相应的对策成为电子政务建设的当务之急。     

劳动力市场分割:收入分配差距扩大的一个新解

劳动力市场分割是我国当前收入分配差距扩大的一个重要原因:主要劳动力市场的"垄断"以及"高教育程度"等因素导致高工资向上"刚性";次要劳动力市场"劳动力供给长期相对过剩"决定了工资的市场定价,必然导致低工资持续"粘性"。缩小收入分配差距,既要打破主要劳动力市场所属垄断行业的"垄断"地位,又要制定工资增长指导线政策,以确保次要劳动力市场工资增长。     

Gender Gap and Turnout in the 2003 Federal Elections

We examine the gender gap in turnout in Switzerland by analysing the 2003 federal elections. Despite being a standard component in electoral studies, the gender variable is, in most cases, only used as a control variable and its effects and interaction are too often under‐analysed. We focus on individual‐level factors by looking at three types of explanations for the gender gap: (1) resources, (2) political motivations and attitudes, and (3) social capital and integration. Our analysis, based on binomial logistic regression models, shows that compositional and conditional effects play an important role in explaining the persistent gender gap in Swiss electoral turnout.     

Gendering the vote for populist radical-right parties

ABSTRACT

Why do more men than women vote for populist radical-right (PRR) parties? And do more men than women still vote for the PRR? Can attitudes regarding gender and gender equality explain these differences (if they exist)? These are the questions that Spierings and Zaslove explore in this article. They begin with an analysis of men's and women's voting patterns for PRR parties in seven countries, comparing these results with voting for mainstream (left-wing and right-wing) parties. They then examine the relationship between attitudes and votes for the populist radical right, focusing on economic redistribution, immigration, trust in the European Union, law and order, environmental protection, personal freedom and development, support for gender equality, and homosexuality. They conclude that more men than women do indeed support PRR parties, as many studies have previously demonstrated. However, the difference is often overemphasized in the literature, in part since it is examined in isolation and not compared with voting for (centre-right) mainstream parties. Moreover, the most important reasons that voters support PRR parties seem to be the same for men and for women; both vote for the populist radical right because of their opposition to immigration. In general, there are no consistent cross-country patterns regarding gender attitudes explaining differences between men and women. There are some recurring country-specific findings though. Most notably: first, among women, economic positions seem to matter less; and economically more left-wing (and those with anti-immigrant attitudes) women also vote for the PRR in Belgium, France, Norway and Switzerland; and, second, those who hold authoritarian or nativist views in combination with a strong belief that gays and lesbians should be able to ‘live their lives as they choose’ are disproportionately much more likely to vote for PRR parties in Sweden and Norway. Despite these findings, Spierings and Zaslove argue that the so-called ‘gender gap’ is often overemphasized. In other words, it appears that populist radical-right parties, with respect to sex and gender, are in many ways simply a more radical version of centre-right parties.     

城乡二元结构下农村大学生就业难问题分析

随着社会主义和谐社会构建的逐步展开,诸如城乡收入差距扩大,教育资源分配不公平,农民社会地位不高等,城乡二元结构的矛盾日益突出,这都给农村大学毕业生的就业带来深远影响。农村大学毕业生的就业压力空前加重,而其就业心理有待调整,就业竞争力有待提高。     

Gender Differences in Delinquency and Situational Action Theory: A Partial Test

This paper investigates to what extent a recent perspective in criminology, Situational Action Theory, is valid for both males and females and to what extent elements from the theory explain gender differences in delinquency. Data are used from the first (N?=?843) and second (N?=?616) wave of the Study of Peers, Activities, and Neighborhoods, which included detailed data about core elements of Situational Action Theory (morality, self-control, unsupervised peer activity and peer deviancy), proposed indirect causes (bonds with parents and school, parental monitoring) and self-reported delinquency. Cross-sectional and lagged Tobit regression analyses show that the core relations with delinquency are not significantly different between boys and girls and that the elements of Situational Action Theory are able to explain gender differences in delinquency for a substantial part. However, there is still a remaining independent effect of gender on current and lagged delinquency.     

Modernisation and government socialisation: Considering explanations for gender differences in cohort trends in British voting behaviour

The lack of an overall gender gap in British voting behaviour hides considerable gender gaps within birth cohorts. This is not due to a gradual realignment of the gender gap related to modernisation, but instead to a gendered process of government socialisation. Men are especially supportive of the party that was in power during their formative years, particularly if it was in power for a sustained period of time. This is not consistently the case for women, and this gender difference produces political generations not only characterised by higher support for the party in power during their youth but also by gender gaps in voting behaviour.