权利的实现与“有限侵害性”的社会权力——从贫困治理出发的思考

如何实现、保障和发展公民所拥有的法律上的权利?对这一问题的研究不应该再继续局限于国家与市民社会两分法这样一种简单化的理论框架。因为在当前,这一理论框架只是驱使研究者关注国家权力如何从社会中退出,关注国家权力对社会自治的侵害,而忽视了对社会权力的有限侵害性特点的研究。社会权力的有限侵害性最鲜明地体现在公民社会基本权利的保障和实现中,也即对贫困的治理。     

Brothers’ Keepers?

Relying on rarely analyzed public opinion data from the 1930s and early 1940s, we take issue with the notion popular in contemporary liberal circles that the New Deal era represented a period of expansive commitment to the security and well-being of the poor and politically disenfranchised. At least where the public is concerned—as opposed to the progressive policy makers in the Roosevelt administration—the jobless were regarded with suspicion, immigrants should be forced to “go home,” women belong in the kitchen not on the shop floor. The harsher the economic conditions (by state), the more conservative were the public attitudes. Hence New Deal legislative victories accrued despite rather than because of public support.

Public Opinion and Collective Obligations

This article attempts to identify the general principles that underlie public reasoning about collective obligations and that help explain when political parties can create new obligations or defend existing ones. I use these principles to President Clinton’s unsuccessful attempt to create government health-care plan and attempts by President Bush to privatize Social Security. The success of a party in selling – or defeating – an obligation depends upon what people believe about the competence and capacity of government and the value of autonomy – choices made by each citizen; whether people perceive the obligation as providing floors or establishing ceilings by limiting choice or otherwise restricting opportunities for the better-off; and whether the program is more like insurance or more like welfare. A party’s ability to maintain credibility with voters also depends upon whether party leaders can suppress issues that threaten intra-party elite pacts. When attempts to suppress “taboo” issues like “stem cells” or “black crime” fail, the party loses credibility with its voters and attempts to defend or sell obligations fail.

禁毒社会工作专业建设思考

通过分析禁毒社会工作的现状,提出培养禁毒社会工作人才的措施:进行社会工作的宣传,扩大社会认知度;政策支持;准确定位禁毒社会工作专业人才培养的目标与能力体系;专业课程设置的创新;做好社会工作实习基地建设;提升师资专业水平,增强执教信心;积极编写教材,实现"本土化"等措施来加快社会工作专业建设。     

治安管理视角下的社会管理创新中的公民参与问题研究

公安机关在推进社会管理创新的过程中,应当转变社会治理模式、加强行政相对人对社会管理的参与。在治安管理领域,公民参与的制度匮乏、程序缺失、积极性不高等原因导致公民参与整体水平较低,影响了治安管理的效果。通过邀请公民参与规范性文件的制定、建立案件公开制度等一系列方式,全力保障行政相对人对治安管理的参与和知晓,从而促进其对公安机关的理解和支持,达到维护社会秩序稳定的目的。     

社会资本对农民工信任流入地政府的影响研究

农民工已然成为我国城市建设和经济发展的中坚力量,但由于户籍制度和城乡二元体制的影响,他们无法得到城市、农村两地政府的有效服务和管理,导致他们对政府的信任感偏低。本文利用西安交通大学人口与发展研究所2008年12月在陕西省X市LH区对农民工进行实地调查所获得的数据,以政府信任理论和社会资本理论作为理论基础,对西部农民工信任流入地政府现状及影响因素进行研究。研究结果发现,高素质、年轻一代的农民工对流入地政府的信任感低;社会资本越丰富的农民工越信任流入地政府;政治活动参与意愿越强、社会经济地位越高的农民工则越不信任流入地政府。     

The dark side of disagreement? Revisiting the effect of disagreement on political participation

Thriving democracy requires an open exchange of disagreeing viewpoints. Yet disagreement may have a dark side. Recent research claims that people who experience disagreement in their informal political discussions are less likely to vote. This paper adds to a growing group of challenges to the notion of a ‘dark side’. It addresses the conventional wisdom from both a theoretical and practical viewpoint. I argue that disagreement in itself should not depress participation. Only those atypical respondents who encounter entirely disagreeing viewpoints are less likely to vote than those who encounter completely agreeing perspectives. People with mixed networks are equally likely to vote as those who face complete agreement. This paper tests the alternative theory against the conventional wisdom by returning to the dataset that first found evidence of the ‘dark side’. The evidence overwhelmingly supports the alternative theory. As a result, this study helps to mitigate concerns about the negative effects of disagreement and supports a network-centric approach to political science.     

新型农村社会养老保险政策评估——基于土地流转制度背景下的研究

面对人口老龄化加剧、劳动力乡城流动、土地流转加速、土地养老功能弱化、农村养老需求增长的严峻局势和新农保试点扩面迅速推进的整体性战略规划,以公共政策评估和政策外部性理论为基础,从政策执行主体、政策服务对象的双重视角评估土地流转制度背景下新型农村社会养老保险政策执行状况和实施效果,通过对东、中、西部新农保试点地区的实态调查,分别获取基层政府工作人员、新农保经办机构人员、农村常住居民三类群体共2779份有效问卷,综合运用描述性统计和通径分析方法,进一步探寻改善政策效果的有效路径。研究结果表明:政府一定程度存在职能缺位、越位,立法、财政、监管责任缺失等问题,而广大农民未能将土地流转潜在养老保障功能与新农保统筹考量,使政策难以达到预期目标,可通过发挥政府主导作用、增强农民土地流转意识、提升经办机构服务能力、有效整合养老政策等具体对策,进一步促进土地流转、提高新农保参保意愿、改善政策执行与实施效果。     

公安机关社会控制的方法与应用——以POWER SWOT分析法为例

公安机关承担着社会控制的重要职责。在社会问题频发、恶劣事件层出不穷的今天,POWER SWOT分析矩阵弥补了传统分析法的不足,新加入的POWER矩阵完善了原有的分析过程,使得公安机关在对自身机能有正确了解和评价之后,能正确快捷的制定战略,为履行社会控制职能提供了可靠的方法保障。     

精英阶层再生产与阶层固化程度——以青年的职业地位获得为例

市场转型期,精英阶层的更替过程越来越强调个人能力和高等学历的作用。但这种机制并不排除精英再生产逻辑的运作,政治精英和技术精英都可以将自己的阶层优势传递给下一代。只是精英阶层的再生产规模和阶层固化的程度都是有限的,家庭背景等因素对青年成为精英的作用是基础性的,而不是无限制扩大的。较高学历、中高级职称与高行政级别等阶层身份特征在很大程度上都不具有代际再生产的特性。数据分析表明,在市场转型的头20年里,精英阶层的固化程度还不足以影响社会流动机制的正常运行。