全文获取类型
收费全文 | 566篇 |
免费 | 17篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 86篇 |
工人农民 | 28篇 |
世界政治 | 61篇 |
外交国际关系 | 75篇 |
法律 | 72篇 |
中国共产党 | 14篇 |
中国政治 | 27篇 |
政治理论 | 69篇 |
综合类 | 151篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 14篇 |
2019年 | 16篇 |
2018年 | 21篇 |
2017年 | 30篇 |
2016年 | 21篇 |
2015年 | 25篇 |
2014年 | 22篇 |
2013年 | 95篇 |
2012年 | 30篇 |
2011年 | 27篇 |
2010年 | 45篇 |
2009年 | 29篇 |
2008年 | 28篇 |
2007年 | 24篇 |
2006年 | 28篇 |
2005年 | 30篇 |
2004年 | 23篇 |
2003年 | 25篇 |
2002年 | 19篇 |
2001年 | 13篇 |
2000年 | 9篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有583条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
191.
张淑平 《福建公安高等专科学校学报》2003,17(4):85-88
WTO规则表面上是贸易规则 ,但实际上是以政府行为为约束对象 ,所以WTO规则主要是行政法规则。其中司法审查制度是通过成员国内的司法审查体制 ,给因政府行为受到不利影响的组织提供救济的机会 ,以纠正违背WTO规则的政府行为 ,达到消除各种贸易壁垒的目的 ,最终实现全球贸易自由化。WTO要求其成员建立符合其规定的司法审查制度 ,这是WTO规则中最重要的制度。我国的司法审查制度在司法审查的范围、原告资格、司法审查的标准、审判独立等方面均应进行改革和完善 ,以适应WTO规则的要求。 相似文献
192.
冯玉军 《甘肃政法学院学报》2002,(4):21-26
当前 ,对法律全球化的研究已成为当今学术领域的热点问题。而围绕此问题的种种争辩与分歧 ,皆有其历史根源和学说史背景。故此 ,对自古至今的自然法、国际法、比较法、全球法等理论与观念加以梳理、辨异 ,自可从中得出对正确理解法律与全球化理论具有启发性的结论。 相似文献
193.
Anna Danielsson 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2016,10(2):241-260
The World Bank has for over a decade tried to formalize the informal economy in Kosovo. However, local journalists and businessmen among others provide an alternative understanding of informality that problematizes the World Bank’s view and actions. Against this backdrop, the article analyses the constitution and the constitutive effects of the World Bank’s anti-informality operations in Kosovo between 1999 and 2014. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s power analytics, the article claims that the Bank’s agenda, and the economic ideas enacted through it, does structure and shape informal economic practices on the ground. Yet this structuring involves two forms of misrecognition. As a result, informality is paradoxically constituted (in novel ways) and reconstituted through the World Bank’s imposed anti-informality agenda. The article concludes with a discussion of how this underlines the need for policy solutions that depart from liberal peacebuilding’s subject–object distinction to form instead around an acknowledgement of informality as emergent and transforming throughout international interventions. 相似文献
194.
Conor Meleady 《中东研究》2016,52(2):182-197
This paper considers two aspects of historiography about the 1967 Arab–Israeli War – American and Soviet foreign policy in the region – to better appreciate the Soviet role in the outbreak of hostilities, as well as how the war concretized the US–Israeli ‘special relationship’ and weakened American–Arab relations. Relying especially on research from the Lyndon Johnson Presidential Library and Foreign Relations of the United States, this paper argues that Soviet officials had little interest in pursuing measures to prevent war during the pre-war crisis because the situation promised to undermine American interests in the region. 相似文献
195.
“I’m awfully fed up with being a prisoner”* Australian POWs of the Turks and the Strain of Surrender
Kate Ariotti 《Journal of Australian Studies》2016,40(3):276-290
Nearly 200 Australians were captured and held as prisoners of war (POWs) by Ottoman Turkish forces during the First World War. They have largely been overlooked in Australian history and memory of the conflict with the result that little is known of their time in captivity or of its wider ramifications. In examining the emotional impact of their capture and imprisonment, this article offers intimate insights into how these Australian POWs felt about their captivity, from the moment of surrender until long after the war had ended. The humiliation of capture and confinement at the hands of a culturally, religiously and linguistically different enemy and the restrictions imposed by wartime imprisonment exacerbated the prisoners’ private feelings of shame and failure, feelings that were publicly reinforced in the aftermath of the war as the two dominant narratives of the conflict—the heroic Anzac fighter and the Turks as the honourable enemy—excluded or, at best, marginalised their experiences. Such analysis tells us much about the psychological dimension of wartime captivity, and adds to our understanding of the legacy of this POW experience. 相似文献
196.
The 2014 FIFA World Cup is over and was in most senses a success. However, the reality is that from the perspective of fairness, the 2014 World Cup was off to a remarkably bad start. Like many major football events in the past, this World Cup was plagued by controversial refereeing. 相似文献
197.
Ravi Kanbur 《公共行政管理与发展》2014,34(5):345-358
As part of a growing focus on the effectiveness of development assistance from the World Bank and other agencies, new efforts are being made to relate development finance more closely to outcomes achieved rather than to inputs used, through the results‐based financing approach. We provide a framework for analyzing the operational dimensions of results‐based financing, including the conditions that suit this approach, and how best to define, measure, and report results. We review some of the early World Bank experience with this approach. Noting that this approach is as yet not fully tested, we suggest evaluative issues for future research while highlighting strengths and challenges in the range of techniques adopted so far. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
198.
Shula Gilad 《Negotiation Journal》2014,30(2):131-156
Using the 2005 unilateral Israeli withdrawal from Gaza as a case study, this article exposes an apparent paradox: circumstances may exist in which an outcome that serves the interests of parties to a conflict cannot be achieved through bilateral negotiation but can be achieved by unilateral action. Although the withdrawal was seen at the time as serving the interests of both the Israeli government and the Palestinians, we argue that the same result could not have been achieved through bilateral negotiations. “Behind‐the‐table” internal conflicts on each side would have made it impossible for the leaders to agree on the scope of these negotiations. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's success in implementing his Gaza withdrawal was attributable in significant measure to his ability to maintain ambiguity about his long‐run plans for the West Bank. Only by focusing attention on Gaza was he able to build the necessary coalition to implement the controversial move. The Palestinian leaders, on the other hand, could never have agreed to come to the table to negotiate about Gaza alone — they would have insisted that the scope of any negotiations address a broad range of final status issues. In this article, we identify some of the lessons that the Gaza example teaches regarding the utility and limits of unilateralism as well as the benefits and potential costs of employing ambiguity as a strategy to help accomplish a controversial move. Finally, we also explore the aftermath of the withdrawal and its many missed opportunities for improving the outcome. We suggest that, even when acting unilaterally, leaders should carefully consider the probable impact of their actions on the internal conflicts of their adversaries. 相似文献
199.
《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(11-12):851-868
Abstract Liberal democracies throughout the world are committed to civil society in support of market economics and democratic politics. Through educational assistance programs, the U.S. government demonstrates this commitment by attempting to reinvigorate civil society in former Soviet republics and Eastern European countries in support of their economic and political reform efforts. Of particular interest are the Community Connections and Partners in Education programs conducted by the U.S. Department of State for interns from the former Soviet republics or now Eurasia, who participate in business and other professional internships in various locations in the U.S., including Northern Alabama. 相似文献
200.
Raphael Israeli 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4-5):337-351
Abstract The 10 options offered so far to resolve the Palestinian conundrum have proved vain. New thinking that combines Palestinian self‐determination rights with Israel's security needs is necessary. The proposed solution rests on the following: (1) mutal acceptance of self‐determination for the Palestinians and the Jewish people, (2) mutual recognition of PLO and Zionism, (3) partition of Greater Palestine between Israelis and Palestinians, and (4) separation between sovereignty over territory and personal status of inhabitants. 相似文献