Commission Newsletter: Winter 1981

I.A.A. Thompson: Crown and Cortes. Government, Institutions and Representation in Early‐Modern Castile (Variorum, Collected Studies Series CS 427, Ashgate Publishing, Aldershot, 1993, pp. 352; ISBN 0–86078–393–6; £49.50)

Janusz Mallek: Preußen und Polen: Politik, Stände, Kirche und Kultur vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1992. Schriften der Mainzer Philosophischen Fakultätsgesellschaft Nr. 12, pp. 207; ISBN 3–515–05943–1; DM 58)

Cristiana Senigaglia: Il gioco delle assonanze: a proposito degli influssi hobbesiani sul pensiero filosofico‐politico di Hegel (Florence, La Nuova Italia, 1992, pp. 235)     

稳中求进是促进今年经济稳定健康发展的正确决策

为贯彻中央提出的今年经济社会发展要突出把握好稳中求进的工作总基调，2012年中国经济的首要任务是稳定经济并保持经济平稳增长。为此，要继续稳定物价，在经济稳定条件下加大转方式调结构力度，提供更多的公共产品和服务，进一步改善民生。同时，经济改革要有新突破：要对一些难度较大改革，比如垄断行业改革、居民收入分配制度改革、政府职能转换改革、中央和地方财政管理体制改革等做好顶层设计总体规划；要积极推进有利于稳中求进的改革，包括稳步推进利率市场化改革，推进资源产品价格改革；继续调整和优化财政支出结构，更好地为稳增长稳物价转方式惠民生服务。     

社会整合与人民法庭的功能定位

随着乡村社会转型,乡民与国家、家庭、传统规范之间的纽带早已松懈,个人对社会保有的团结情感和道德责任感随之淡薄,乡村社会的整合问题将越来越突出.人民法庭的司法运作在修复国家与乡民之间的关系,加强社会整合方面的功能越来越重要.虽然不少研究对人民法庭能动的、便民的司法运行模式持否定态度,但若立足于整体分析的方法与视角,从人民法庭对乡村社会整合的功能意义出发却可以发现,这其实是人民法庭的功能性必要条件.     

韩国大学录取制度改革分析

韩国大学录取经过从大学单独考试到统考与校考相结合、大修能力考试与高中成绩相结合、考试分数等级与中学手册相结合等一系列改革，形成了多元录取、多样方法、多层管理的大学录取管理体制。韩国逐步建立起来的日臻科学、完善、健全的大学录取制度，使各大学充分享有录取新生的自主权，为我国高校自主招生改革可提供很多有益启示。     

中国共产党早期干部队伍建设的历史条件和特点

中国共产党的干部队伍伴随着党的产生而产生、党的发展而发展。中国的改革开放,又一次震惊了世界,这与中国共产党早期干部队伍建设的历史条件和特点直接相关。中国共产党坚持从国情出发,组建了一支来自工人、农民和先进知识分子的干部队伍;中国共产党的干部队伍在极其艰苦复杂的斗争环境中锻炼成长,形成了一个来自人民、植根于中国大地的领袖群体;实现了知识分子干部工农化,工农干部知识化;人民军队成为中国共产党干部队伍的重要来源和依托,是一支战斗队,又是一支工作队。这些特点决定了中国革命、建设和改革开放的走向。     

郑洪年与国立暨南大学的党化教育(1927—1934)

党化教育是国民党掌权后在思想领域实行一党专制的重要手段,尤以民国国立大学内的党化教育最为典型。本文着重以民国华侨教育家郑洪年任校长期间的国立暨南大学为考察点,探讨国民党在国立大学实施党化教育的主旨、具体措施及其影响,以加深对民国时期党化教育的认识。     

从马克思的东方社会理论到“冲击-反应”论——考察毛泽东的国情观与革命论的一个视角

"冲击-反应"论是近现代西方学者包括马克思以中国国情为依据分析中国社会现代化进程的一种观点。中国革命的导师毛泽东对中国国情的分析就明显受到马克思中国观的影响,其观点与"冲击-反应"论亦存在着某种程度的相似。但在近现代中国革命任务的问题上,毛泽东却在当时苏联的影响下得出了自己的结论。这使他的革命论与马克思的社会革命理论、世界历史理论与东方社会理论存在着一定的偏差,并影响了建国后的政治实践。     

The Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme at the university of South Africa: Is this the right path towards African solutions?

There have been a number of initiatives in Africa to rid the Continent of political instability, conflict, poverty and disease. Many have argued that aid from the West has helped Africa in many ways—from stopping wars, to food relief and rescuing the African environment. Yet others have slated Western involvement which they contend, frequently leaves Africans dependant rather than capable of solving their own problems. In line with the pan-Africanist and the African Union (AU) ideals, there is now a realisation by Africans that there is a need to find African solutions to African challenges and problems. This review article explores the University of South Africa’s (Unisa’s) Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme, by looking at its objectives and the reason why it must be labelled a Programme, its mandate, which is in line with the brief of the AU and pan-Africanist ideals. The article focuses on how Unisa’s programme responds to the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG); and how it has attempted to facilitate knowledge for peace in Africa, through empowering electoral officials from various African states. The article concludes by looking at the successes and limitations of the Programme over a five-year period, from its inception in 2011.     

敦煌吐鲁番借贷契约的抵赦条款与国家对民间债负的赦免——唐宋时期民间高利贷与国家控制的博弈

敦煌吐鲁番借贷契约中的"公私债负停征,此物不在停限"、"后有恩赦,不在免限"等抵赦条款,是民间社会对抗国家赦免私债的契约表现.始于北魏时期的国家对私债的赦免,针对的是"偿利过本,翻改券契"等民间高利贷行为;唐、五代及南宋、元初赦令,延续了这个传统.这一赦免初衷,也波及到无息借贷,致使抵赦条款也出现在无息借贷契约中,反映了民间防御意识的加强.契约中的抵赦条款的反复出现与国家免除民间债负赦令的频繁发布,反映了民间高利贷与国家控制的长时间博弈.明清时,国家不再以赦令形式免除私债,契约中的抵赦条款也随即消失.     

Beyond trade unions’ strategy? The social construction of precarious workers organizing in the city of Buenos Aires

The paper presents preliminary findings of qualitative research, case study based, on the organization and collective mobilization of two groups of precarious workers in the city of Buenos Aires. Contrary to research that looks at trade unions’ institutional strategies for organizing precarious workers and at workers’ responses to these, the article starts with a bottom-up approach centred on workers’ self-activity. This helps to show empirically how a complex net of structural and contextual factors, which includes the spatial organization of the labour process, the institutional and legal framework and the socio-political context, creates material circumstances that generate processes of workers’ association. This approach is rooted in long-standing theoretical debates about the structuring of workers’ collective interests and action and helps to ground debates on the perspectives of precarious workers’ organization within the context of currently and locally existing capitalist relations rather than in more abstracted trade unions’ strategies and responses.