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241.
李易坪 《法学杂志》2020,(5):121-130
学术瑕疵类、学术垄断类失范行为之所以普遍存在,与科技伦理教育观密切相关。当前,我国的科技伦理教育主要存在法治意识淡薄,忽视培养具有法治思维的科技伦理专业人才,以及缺乏法治化制度保障等问题。然而,法治思维作为社会治理的核心思维,具有将其引入科技伦理教育的必要性和可行性。为实现规制学术道德失范行为以净化科技伦理生态的道德理想,需要在科技伦理教育的过程中中融入法治思维并凸显法治作用,从而构筑起坚不可摧的法治屏障。所以,法治思维视域下科技伦理教育观的完善应从德法并重,严重的学术道德失范行为应以法律规制为主,且科技伦理教育中亟待重视法治思维的培育等方面着力;法治思维视域下,高等院校与科研机构对于科研人员科技伦理教育观的培育应从增设科技法和知识产权法课程,强化警示教育,且在对于学术道德失范行为的学术研究和立法规制等方面努力。  相似文献   
242.
This article examines the use of North Korean defectors’ accounts as a source of information for studying the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Information from defectors fills a vital knowledge gap and improves our understanding of North Korean politics, economics, and society. Witness accounts and interview data collected from people who were born in North Korea but have since left have been widely used by journalists, government agencies, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, and academics. There are, however, serious methodological issues in collecting, organizing, and interpreting information derived from defectors’ accounts. Selection and demographic biases, power relations between researchers and interviewees, monetary incentives, and language barriers are among those issues. We propose focus group discussions and participatory observation as complementary methods of data collection to mitigate the shortfalls of relying on individual interviews.  相似文献   
243.
Abstract

Iterative approaches to development under banners such as ‘thinking and working politically’ and ‘doing development differently’ build upon decades-old commitments to fostering locally led and -owned development. These approaches are increasingly popular with academics and development practitioners. In this paper we argue that outsiders seeking to deliver locally led, politically smart programmes need to either accept that competing priorities, results and values will work to limit the extent of true local ownership, or be sufficiently committed to true local leadership to accept that this may well cut against organisational imperatives. Using the example of the Pacific-based Green Growth Leaders’ Coalition, we discuss how politically tricky partnerships challenge tenets of local leadership and ownership.  相似文献   
244.
生态系统有价和有偿使用已成共识。通过对生态系统服务价值研究方法和主要几类生态系统的服务价值研究结果进行梳理,发现生态系统服务价值相关评估方法的科学性、数据选取的可信度和研究结果的准确性以及研究结果应用的可行性等几个方面面临一些现实问题,影响到评估结果的采纳和应用。随着可持续发展战略的深入实施,迫切需要对生态系统服务价值评估方法和现实问题进行深入探讨,重新定位生态系统的价值和价格。  相似文献   
245.
This paper considers the structural production and amplification of tensions surrounding the issue of street-based injecting drug use and drug-related litter (injecting paraphernalia) discarded in public settings. These tensions, it is argued, is a consequence of colliding intervention (policy and practice) brought about by conflicting connections between national/local drug strategy and micro-level forms of governance regarding the spatial management of public space. These colliding interventions have negative consequences upon harm reduction and the formation of enabling environments. The paper draws upon data obtained from a five-year (multi-site) ethnographic study of street-based injecting conducted throughout the south of England during 2006–2011.  相似文献   
246.
Research initiatives to enhance knowledge‐based societies demand regionally coordinated policy approaches. By analyzing the case of the European Commission, Directorate‐General Research and Innovation, this study focuses on examining the cognitive mechanisms that form the foundation for institutional transformations and result in leadership positions in regional governance. Drawing on policy learning theories, the study emphasizes specific mechanisms of institutional change that are often less noticeable but can gradually lead to mobilizing diverse groups of stakeholders. Through historical and empirical data, this study shows the importance of policy learning through communication processes, Open Method of Coordination initiatives, and issue framing in creating a stronger foundation for policy coordination in European research policy since the 2000s.  相似文献   
247.
在学习和理解习近平总书记在哲学社会科学工作座谈会上重要讲话精神的基础上,对女性学和女性研究的原创性与时代性问题展开讨论。研究结果表明,尽管女性学和女性研究在原创性与时代性建设方面取得了一定成绩,但仍然存在学科地位边缘化、原创性力作偏少等不足,需要进一步提高对这些问题的思想认识,并建构新的评价与激励机制。  相似文献   
248.
Recently, Non-intelligence factors of students'ability, especially transferable ability as willpower receives wide attention from the academic circles. Psychological means , represented by Five Adult Personality Scale and Grit Scale, has been able to carry out scientific subjective evaluation of the level of personal willpower. Using a simplified Grit Scale, we made a measurement and research on college students' Willpower level in Beijing. Our research found (1) college students'willpower play an important role in various stages of university life. The developmet of college students' willpower has a significant impact on adaptation of freshmen, turning of sophemores and career maturity of juniors. (2)College factors, represented by types of colleges and universities, types of majors and interpersonal interaction have significant impact on the development of college students' willpower. (3)As transferable ability, willpower not only will affect the students' academic achievement, but also affect the career development after graduation.  相似文献   
249.
This paper challenges the central claim of Natalia Forrat’s article that university support programs under Putin targeted the suppression of anti-regime student mobilization. Empirical evidence, both on the national-policy level and on the level of higher education institutions, suggests that the government introduced support programs in order to establish a research capacity at Russian flagship universities and to develop a more competitive national science system. The low level of students’ political engagement can rather be attributed to the outdated structures of student representation, inherited from the Soviet period.  相似文献   
250.
This article argues that Vladimir Putin's regime launched support programs for the leading Russian universities in 2005 because of a perceived threat of the political mobilization of youth, similar to the one that triggered “color revolutions” in Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine. The support programs created cleavages in the university community, covered an attack on university autonomy, and made the containment of possible anti-regime student mobilization a part of an implicit agreement between the regime and the universities. The historical coincidence of the “demographic hole,” which caused a shrinkage of the higher education market, and high oil prices, which provided the necessary resources for the regime, made this implicit agreement possible. The article contributes to the research on authoritarianism, youth mobilization, authoritarian backlash after the color revolutions, and the development of research universities in Russia.  相似文献   
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