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111.
Abstract

Given the large numbers of people fleeing their homelands, social workers are likely to encounter refugees from all over the world. Although the social work profession has a mandate to work with disenfranchised populations, limited attention has been paid to providing services to refugees. Residents of the largest refugee shelter in the U.S. were interviewed about their claims. These findings can help social workers understand the situations refugees come from as well as processes they go through in applying for legal status. With this information, it is possible to identify roles social workers can play with this vulnerable population.  相似文献   
112.
Two political scientists explore the significance of pro-presidential legislative coalitions in Ukrainian politics since 2000. They draw on an original survey of MPs and cabinet data to engage with the extant analysis of coalitional politics in Ukraine. Using the framework of “coalitional presidentialism,” which was first developed in the study of Latin American presidential systems, they find evidence to suggest that legislative coalitions are a meaningful feature of Ukrainian legislative life, and point to the tools that presidents use to maintain them.  相似文献   
113.
Depuis les années 1980 les approches cognitives des politiques publiques rencontrent un grand succès. Nous nous interrogeons ici sur leur contenu en le confrontant à la cognition telle que la pensent les sciences du même nom (principalement ici la psychologie cognitive) qualifiée de cognition forte. Après avoir défini trois types d'intégration des sciences cognitives aux sciences sociales (terminologique, méthodologique et théorique), nous cherchons à classer plusieurs approches de politiques publiques en fonction de notre taxinomie. Nous observons que dans la majorité des cas, les références à la cognition ne visent pas à transférer une théorie d'une discipline à l'autre. La cognition étudiée par les analyses des politiques publiques est le plus souvent une cognition faible, sauf exceptions. Nous concluons en examinant les enjeux épistémologiques soulevés par ces dernières et tâchons d'avancer quelques pistes pour expliquer ce phénomène.  相似文献   
114.
In South Kivu in the Eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), various church actors have chosen to involve in advocacy and mobilization through a formalized civil society structure known as La Société Civile (LSC). In this article, we explore the relationship between the churches and civil society in Eastern DRC, paying particular attention to why this cooperation has taken such a formalized expression, the motivations of church actors to become involved in LSC and, finally, how this relationship between different civil society actors has underpinned various peacebuilding efforts at the local, provincial, and national scale.  相似文献   
115.
Chile's Nueva Mayoría government (2014–2018) responded more forcefully to student demands for a more assertive public role in education than any of its post‐authoritarian predecessors. Existing scholarship suggests that this change reflected the success of the 2011 student protests in tapping into latent public discontent with neoliberalism and the politics of consensus. This article argues that it is also crucial to understand how the wave of protest interacted with the dynamics of party politics at the elite level. Public support translated into substantive policy and institutional changes because it contributed to a coalition and platform shift that favoured more extensive reform.  相似文献   
116.
公司社会责任没有明确的法定概念,学者关于公司社会责任含义的阐述也是众说纷纭,各持己见。本文通过对公司社会责任含义的界定,公司社会责任受益人、公司社会责任性质及实现的分析,认为公司社会责任是公司对公司股东及其它利益相关者的责任,公司社会责任是责任,也是义务,是强制性义务,也是倡导性义务;公司社会责任的实现,特别是公司社会责任作为倡导性义务的实现应结合我国的实际情况,在企业社会责任推动体系和基本制度的建设上多下功夫,在进行总体构架基础上,形成一个完整的思路?  相似文献   
117.
Abstract

With the rise of China and Russia, the international system is poised to shift from unipolarity to multipolarity. This article argues that this structural reconfiguration will have—and is having—a profound effect on the future efficacy of the responsibility to protect (R2P). The rise of R2P, we argue, must be situated in the context of the end of the Cold War and the ‘unipolar moment’ this heralded. The efficacy of R2P is predicated on the assumption that moral advocacy can influence liberal democracies to re-orientate their foreign policy priorities towards human rights protection. We argue that the emerging multipolarity will expose the temporal specificity of this strategy and, ultimately, weaken the influence of R2P.  相似文献   
118.
ABSTRACT

The decision of the Gillard government to establish a royal commission in 2012 was acclaimed by care leavers. However, they were soon disillusioned: it was not the royal commission for which they had long struggled. Its terms of reference were too broad, encompassing a range of institutions never before the subject of official inquiries, yet also too narrowly focused on sexual abuse. Care leavers who suffered other forms of abuse were excluded. This paper argues that, while care leaver advocacy contributed to the decision to establish a royal commission, the agenda was a product of other pressures fuelled by state-based inquiries about cover-ups of sexual abuse of children, particularly by clergy. Sexual abuse could no longer be regarded as a sin to be handled in-house by institutions but a crime for which the state carried superordinate responsibility. The government had to intervene to address society’s “ultimate collective shame”. The Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse has made a massive contribution to our understanding of child sexual abuse and to reforms in child protection policy and practice. But its mandate created unintended consequences, and questions remain about the unmet needs of care leavers who suffered other forms of abuse.  相似文献   
119.
In most developed democracies, parties adjust their positions to polls and public opinion. Yet, in a coalition government, the policy that emerges is often the outcome of negotiations between governing parties. We argue that the credibility of exit threats by current coalition members and the importance of outside parties for the formation of potential alternative coalitions both matter for policy adoption. Building on a new data set measuring the expected coalition‐inclusion probabilities of parties in parliamentary democracies, we estimate the effect of coalition prospects on an important policy outcome—environmental policy stringency—in nine European countries between 1990 and 2012. Our findings demonstrate that only polling shifts that alter coalition probabilities affect outcomes. Changes in the coalition‐inclusion probability of green parties—regardless of whether they are in government—predict changes in the environmental policy stringency of sitting governments. Political polls, in contrast, do not.  相似文献   
120.
张占江 《法学研究》2010,(5):113-127
竞争倡导是反垄断执法机构实施的除执法以外所有改善竞争环境的行为,具有促进和补充反垄断执法、推进竞争政策有效实施和推动竞争文化建设的重要作用。反垄断执法针对私人限制竞争,竞争倡导关注政府干预限制竞争的风险,故所倡导的竞争应围绕干预的适当性、主导权及期望实现的目标来界定。分析各国竞争倡导的制度路径,借鉴其成功经验并结合我国现实诉求,我国竞争倡导制度构建的重点在于引入立法优先咨询制度、推动准入管制的放松、逐步缩减反垄断除外适用范围、健全对管制的竞争评估、帮助企业进行合规制度建设,以形成多样化的倡导工具。  相似文献   
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