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排序方式: 共有133条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
91.
This paper compares and contrasts high‐conflict policy debates over the siting of three natural gas pipeline projects at different decision stages of the siting process. This paper draws on over 600 newspaper articles spanning 3 years, analyzed through Discourse Network Analysis. Drawing from the Advocacy Coalition Framework and Policy Conflict framework, this paper finds that actor framing of opposing policy beliefs involves more indirect than direct confrontations, with statements in the media waxing and waning over time. Opponents of the pipelines more often explicitly argue against pipelines, while also using a broad range of conceptual arguments, whereas proponents more often couch their arguments around the economic benefits of pipelines and use fewer conceptual frames overall. We also find evidence that opposing coalitions use similar framing across different decision contexts. This paper concludes with a commentary on the status and contributions of this paper to the study of policy conflicts and next steps in advancing similar research agendas. 相似文献
92.
吴丹红 《甘肃政法成人教育学院学报》2008,(1):17-21
我国刑事诉讼法规定的询问证人的条款并不足以构成真正的交叉询问制度,该制度在我国的建立还面临着一些配套制度的阻力,如证人出庭制度、证据开示制度、律师辩护制度以及独立裁判制度等等。我们应当从关注交叉询问规则本身,转移到交叉询问制度的中国问题上来,从理论和实践的断裂处出发进行研究。 相似文献
93.
《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2013,41(2):35-49
SUMMARY Violence is a growing public health problem that disproportionately affects African American adolescents. There is a pressing need for more attention to be directed to the development of theoretically-based, research-validated, culturally sensitive preventive interventions and programs. This article focuses on the steps involved in the development, implementation, and evaluation of a culturally-specific program designed to reduce the prevalence of violent behaviors and related injuries and deaths among urban, African American teens. The project's success was heavily dependent upon the commitment and cooperation of the community organizations that participated in the field research. Although numerous unexpected challenges were encountered, the preliminary findings indicate that it is possible to effectively implement preventive interventions in urban communities with modest funding. 相似文献
94.
Two times in the last fifty years grand coalitions have altered traditionally bi-polar patterns of German electoral competition, changing the electoral context by making it difficult for voters to endorse anti-incumbent alternatives. How have voters reacted under these circumstances, and were their responses different because of the weakening of partisan attachments in the forty years between the two grand coalitions? This study explores these questions by examining voter behavior in German state elections under the federal grand coalitions of 1966–69 and 2005–09, comparing voters’ responses with long-term trends in German party system development. The second grand coalition saw a continuation of trends in declining turnout and increasing electoral volatility, but in contrast to the first grand coalition there was no surge in support for far-right parties. Such a change may be the result of differences between the party systems in the two period, with voters in unified Germany having many more options for expressing discontent. 相似文献
95.
《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(2):229-246
Given the long tradition of regional cooperation around the Baltic Sea, one could expect the Nordic-Baltic European Union (EU) members (these countries are known as the NB6; they are Sweden, Demark, Finland, Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania) to pool power in exerting influence in the EU. By drawing on the empirical evidence from the case studies on the Baltic Sea Strategy, the Stockholm Programme, and the EU climate negotiations, the author explains the mechanisms through which the members of the institutionalized coalition of NB6 interact in pre-negotiation stage in the EU Council, thus enhancing their bargaining power. However, we cannot speak of a permanent regional “bloc” in the EU because of member states’ interest differences. 相似文献
96.
The literature defining advocacy for battered women is almost nonexistent and there is no systematic research on its parameters. This article reports the results of a national survey of 379 advocacy services in the United States. Findings on organizational context, definitions of advocacy, client issues and concerns, advocate activities, and advocate interactions with other social systems are presented. Possible explanations of an apparent emphasis on individual over system change are discussed. 相似文献
97.
量刑建议制度应当缓行 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:3
量刑建议制度作为检察机关公诉活动改革的一部分 ,受到人们的广泛关注。然而 ,在同国外类似制度作了相应比较后 ,可以看出 ,量刑建议制度的运作需要特定的条件配合和制度支撑 ,在我国目前现有的状况下 ,由于条件的不足和制度的缺乏 ,决定了该制度应当缓行。 相似文献
98.
Scott Radnitz 《后苏联事务》2016,32(5):474-489
This article considers the political uses of conspiracy theories (CTs). It is widely accepted that post-Soviet citizens are prone to believe CTs, but there has been little research about the conditions under which politicians endorse conspiracy narratives and why those narratives sometimes become hegemonic. I argue that in times of high uncertainty, CTs have properties that are useful in providing political elites with a focal point for coordination in the absence of other bases for coalition formation. I demonstrate this logic by analyzing the politics surrounding the construction and spread of a conspiracy narrative following violence in Kyrgyzstan in 2010. Politicians with different interpretations of the event coalesced around a contrived conspiratorial narrative, and used it to paper over differences as they formed a ruling coalition. This argument has implications for how to understand the appearance and durability of conspiracy claims in states where political formations are fluid. 相似文献
99.
Social media have increasingly been recognized as an important and effective tool for advocacy. A growing body of research examines the use of social media in grassroots and social movements as well as issues related to civic engagement, social capital, and voter turnout. The extent to which organized interest groups have adopted social media as an advocacy tool, however, has been relatively ignored. This article examines the determinants of the use of social media tools by a broad range of interest organizations. We argue that social media use needs to be understood as part of an interest organization’s larger set of news media lobbying strategies. We explain social media use as a function of two factors: first, the importance organizations place on trying to shape lobbying debates through the news media; second, the importance they place on shaping their public image via the news media. We test this argument using a unique data set of interest group advocacy in the European Union. Controlling for a host of competing explanations, regression results provide evidence supporting our central argument. 相似文献
100.
Gerald Keim 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2001,1(4):362-375
The political arena in the USA is portrayed as a marketplace in which businesses and other groups compete to influence public policy decisions. Managers can view this political market as an opportunity to shape the rules of the game by which they operate but must realise that it is a very competitive arena. Drawing on concepts from business strategy advocacy activities like lobbying, making campaign contributions, and organising grassroots efforts are analysed in terms of opportunities for gaining competitive advantage. Results from case studies indicate that many businesses miss opportunities to build support among employees for political advocacy because few firms use bottom up approaches for political action committees or grass‐roots efforts. Suggestions for managers interested in improving the effectiveness of their business advocacy efforts are discussed. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献