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141.
For decades, the media have frequently been instrumental in framing rape cases by linking the deed with the place. This study demonstrates that law courts are not innocent of such social framing; on the contrary, they are significant agents. We argue that courts, by shaping the plot in rape cases, participate in an ongoing cultural production of meaning, although in a more subtle and ambivalent way than the media. In a narrative analysis of three contemporary rape cases in Sweden, we bring together feminist research on place with the concepts of vulnerability and agency. We argue that place is framed as ambivalent in relation to vulnerability and agency, and dependent on the positioning of plaintiff and defendant. In court narratives, geographical places are made relevant, including the locations where the alleged rapes took place. Court narratives of rape include highly ambivalent connotations with place in relation to vulnerability and agency, distinguished by different narratives and outcomes in the various instances. The legal and social implications of our work should include an awareness of the relevance of place in relation to rape. 相似文献
142.
143.
This article aims to produce an analysis of the politicization of the citizens after Spain’s Indignados movement from a citizenship framework. The article suggests that claiming the right to the city involves more than issues of access to urban amenities: it is also about claiming the right to participate in the formation and transformation of the city and the right to appropriate the city center. This positions these rights within the larger issue of citizenship by defining it as a collective practice rather than a state-sanctioned status. Our analysis is based on the empirical evidence derived from the semi-structured interviews, politicians’ speeches, information based on media resources and official websites, and participant observation during three months of fieldwork in Barcelona in 2016. 相似文献
144.
Leah Montange 《Citizenship Studies》2017,21(5):509-526
This paper attends to the relationships and spatialities through which immigration detention centers, though isolating and constraining spaces, are shaped by detainees. I approach the problematic of detainee resistance and agency through both Critical Citizenship Studies and feminist relational frameworks. I do so through a case study of one particular rupture – the 2014 hunger strikes at the Northwest Detention Center. My analysis of the 2014 hunger strikes at the NWDC directs me to conceptualize detainee activism as a process of political subjectivization, though one that is fraught with physical and political risk to both detainees and the order of sovereignty and citizenship. This process is undergirded by and productive of a series of interpersonal and political relations that mediate detainee actions and statements, and constitute them as a rupture in the order of sovereignty and citizenship. 相似文献
145.
Randall Puljek-Shank 《Democratization》2017,24(4):670-688
Neopatrimonialism has explanatory power regarding the limitations of post-war democratization because it considers the combination of formally-democratic institutions together with power relations based on patronage. Neopatrimonialism does not however explain why marginalized groups make political claims in such inhospitable climates, nor have their experiences of governance processes been adequately explored. This paper addresses this gap based on empirical research in Bosnia-Herzegovina, applying a framework of civic agency to elaborate the goals and capacities of civil society actors. Under what conditions can civic agency foster inclusive governance outcomes? The research found that perceptions of limited and ambiguous outcomes from engagement in governance processes encourage civil society organizations to have incrementalist goals and limit self-perceptions of capacity. Inclusive outcomes were nonetheless more likely with persistent intentions and actions. Transactional capacities based on ties to political actors rather than participatory capacities based on political mobilization were more likely to lead to inclusive governance outcomes. 相似文献
146.
该文通过论证海峡西岸经济区加大开发力度的综合优势,对海峡西岸经济区加大开发力度的区域价值进行定位,分析了海峡西岸经济区加大开发力度的障碍因素,提出了海峡西岸经济区加大开发力度的推进对策。 相似文献
147.
148.
在大陆法系,经理人既可作为营业主委任经营之人,也可根据法律或章程规定,作为企业法人之机关(包括代表机关)。经理权的本质是商事代理权,有关学说将经理权分解成对内管理与对外代理两种权能并不科学。大陆法系经理权依委任并公示取得,未经委任但具有经理外观者可赋予其表见经理地位。经理权的消灭也有特殊的要求。经理权可单独行使,也可共同行使,共同经理权并非对经理权范围的限制。经理人的主要义务是竞业禁止和忠实义务,违反竞业禁止的后果是公司或营业主享有归入权或介入权。根据法人理论的不同,经理和法人机关或存在交集或完全不同。大陆法系的商业辅助包括经理人,无论冠以何种称谓,其核心权限均为商事代理权,其区别仅在于根据各自与商人的关系或所处职位不同而享有不同权限。代理商属广义之商业辅助人,是企业或商人的外部代理人。 相似文献
149.
Maksym Zherebkin 《Communist and Post》2009,42(2):199-216
The article aims to identify a theoretical framework which would be able to provide explanation for the cases of political mobilization during the ‘Colour revolutions’ in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. It reviews the existing literature on the topic, which is predominantly oriented by the ‘transition paradigm’. The major shortcomings of this literature are identified: the privileging of either structure or agency when accounting for social change, a strong emphasis on the role of elites and insufficient attention to collective agency. Accordingly, I argue that the methodology of poststructuralist discourse theory may importantly supplement the ‘transitological’ framework owing to its ability to conceptualize the dynamic interdependence between structure and agency, as well as the formation of collective political identities. 相似文献
150.
陈晓红 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2009,8(4):92-93,96
从萨特的感情生活视角来重新解读《禁闭》,从而揭示出萨特文学创作与其情感生活的关系.那就是,萨特相当一部分作品其写作的题材、创作的动力来自其现实情感生活.萨特的情感生活与其创作是融合在一起的。 相似文献