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1.
ABSTRACT

This article assembles a picture of Yemen’s 2013–14 National Dialogue Conference (NDC) by collecting perspectives from local civil society organizations (CSOs), which are contrasted to the views of international commentators. Despite all efforts by internal parties as well as the international community, the dialogue failed to avert war, which broke out shortly after. Through interviews with 50 CSOs, we reconstructed the reasons for failure, as well as paying attention to the observed strengths of the dialogue. Half of the consulted organizations were directly involved in the NDC, either as an invited participant or in a brokerage role. The other half concerns outside observers. We identify aspects on which the opinion of the CSOs converge, but also highlight striking divergences depending on insider/outsider status. In contrast to the view espoused in the international literature, the CSOs overall feel that, in spite of all its procedural and substantive flaws, the NDC was a significant junction in the long road towards peace and stability and laid important groundwork for future dialogues.  相似文献   
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This article examines the impact of nongovernmental organization-sponsored contact and communication on fostering peaceful solutions to ethnic conflict via case studies of the activities of the Project on Ethnic Relations (PER) in Romania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Serbia. It explores five operational principles that guide PER activity: creating credible, neutral forums for dialogue; maintaining momentum; working within political realities; encouraging indigenous solutions from within existing processes; and acting with the backing of powerful states. These principles explain PER's success as a "weak mediator" of ethnic conflicts. According to this analysis, PER also exhibits organizational characteristics that contribute to success, including nonpartisanship, area expertise and extensive networks of local contacts, and an ability to secure the trust of local actors.
A significant indicator of the success of PER activities is the establishment by conflicting parties of institutionalized mechanisms for addressing their differences. Contrary to the view that electoral competition contributes to conflict, this study finds that the possibility of achieving an electoral advantage by participating cooperatively in conflict resolution activities creates incentives for local actors to recognize opportunities offered by PER activities and leads local actors to heed PER's advice. Finally, the article offers a cautionary observation. While PER's perceived influence with major international actors may contribute to its local successes, once a state actor with the power to impose a solution has committed itself to ending a conflict, its preferences outweigh any local interests in determining the outcome and renders the efforts of a "weak mediator" such as PER irrelevant.  相似文献   
4.
商品房买卖面积争议是商品房买卖合同纠纷的表现形式,对其进行分析和探讨,有利于商品房买卖面积争议处理更为科学合理并保证当事人权利救济途径更加顺畅。  相似文献   
5.
Family lawyers are major beneficiaries of the reforms set out in the Family Law Education Reform Project (FLER) Report. This commentary from a veteran family law practitioner explores the needs of the family law bar for the training of law students in practical, interdisciplinary, client‐centered lawyering that goes beyond the traditional case method. I trace many of the current innovations evolving in family law practice and how FLER reforms will not only benefit law schools but also have a major impact in the courts and private practice sector.  相似文献   
6.
Research Digest     
《Negotiation Journal》2006,22(1):5-11
  相似文献   
7.
环境损害赔偿立法框架和内容的思考   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
王灿发 《法学论坛》2005,20(5):30-34
环境损害赔偿立法的必要性由现实社会关系调整的必要性和现行相关立法的不适应性所决定。我国环境损害赔偿立法宜采取实体和程序一体、行政处理与司法处理一体的立法模式,并着重规定环境纠纷处理和环境损害赔偿方面所涉及的一些特殊问题。立法框架和内容主要包括环境损害赔偿的适用条件、环境损害赔偿的范围、环境损害赔偿责任的认定、环境损害赔偿纠纷的行政处理、环境损害赔偿的司法处理等部分。环境损害赔偿立法的难点在于环境行政主管机关处理决定的法律效力问题以及因果关系推定的准确表述问题。  相似文献   
8.
随着新世纪国家社会经济的发展,劳动争议的冲突呈现出了多样化、群体化等许多新的内容与特点,劳动法律滞后的问题已成为亟待解决的问题,劳动争议的妥善解决已成为构建和谐社会的一个关键环节。  相似文献   
9.
Wachman  Alan M. 《East Asia》2005,22(2):31-55
Carto-philatelic imagery illustrates that the “mental map” of China underlying territorial policies of the People's Republic of China is constructed, contingent, and impermanent. Although it has claimed Taiwan by asserting primordial sovereignty, declaring the island to have been part of China “since ancient times,” the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has not always viewed the island as part of China. Although it recognized the independence of Mongolia in 1950, before it came to power as the government of the state the CCP envisioned Mongolia as part of China. Postage stamps issued in territories governed by the CCP before 1949 juxtaposed to stamps issued by the Republic of China government affirm what documents suggest: that China's boundaries have not been immutable and have been highly contested by Chinese political elite. This should prompt readers to view with skepticism categorical claims about China's sovereignty and “territorial integrity.”  相似文献   
10.
沙永梅 《河北法学》2008,26(7):187-192
案件请示制度作为我国法院审判工作的惯例,由于违背司法的本质和规律,受到理论和实务界的众多批判。立足于中院近年来请示案件的运作,通过实证分析,认为这一制度在因过多的消极功能违背司法规律应予废除的同时,应当建立相应的制度替代其承载的积极功能——主要是法律统一适用的功能,而通过审级制度改革和建立中国式判例制度不失为理性的选择。  相似文献   
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