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931.
George Lambie 《Contemporary Politics》2013,19(3):339-360
The global financial crisis provides an opportune moment to analyse the rise of the City of London financial markets, their role in the globalisation process and an attempt by the Labour Party Left in the 1970s to challenge emerging transnational forces. The USA became the world's ‘hegemon’ after the Second World War, but London retained its power in finance; well placed to challenge the post-war Keynesian regulatory consensus in favour of globalising interests, theoretically and politically served by the rise of neo-liberal ideology. In response the Labour Party Left devised its radical ‘Programme 1973’ and subsequently the Alternative Economic Strategy, which in seeking to defend social democracy, understood the necessity to prevent the erosion of national financial controls. The 1976 International Monetary Fund crisis was a defining moment in this battle. This article includes interviews with key contemporary actors and is based in the discipline of International Political Economy. 相似文献
932.
Lucinda Ferguson 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2013,35(1):115-138
In this article, I argue for caution in embracing family arbitration as a new form of private ordering for resolving parties' financial disputes. I explain that family arbitration may be more successful than other forms of private ordering and final court hearings in enabling certain types of parties to resolve certain types of disputes. I consider why family arbitration may not become numerically significant despite its potential benefits, but may be much more important in normative terms. Lawyer-led negotiations remain the most common form of out-of-court resolution and constitute the de facto default form of bargaining in the shadow of the normative regime framed by ss 23–25 Matrimonial Causes Act 1973. Together with the transformation in approach to nuptial agreements, family arbitration may mark a normative shift towards autonomy and private ordering. I question whether this is a desirable step for family law, at least before we have resolved the underlying policy debate. 相似文献
933.
本文采用比较研究的方法,通过介绍域外医疗纠纷非诉讼法律制度的创新之处,从中借鉴其合理设置,为进一步完善我国医疗纠纷处理机制,优化我国医疗纠纷人民调解制度,构建和谐医患关系提供一个较为开阔的视角和思路。 相似文献
934.
935.
Diana R. Gordon 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(3):291-305
Post-apartheid South Africa and post-Pinochet Chile have taken significant steps to democratize justice. This article acknowledges conventional reforms of both countries’ criminal justice systems but focuses primarily on case studies of participatory and restorative initiatives that have attempted to expand the theory and practice of public safety practices in non-state settings. The experience of resolving interpersonal disputes in new democracies and what it means for the people who do it is examined. The research hypothesized that public participation in matters of justice and security can foster more active citizenship, a contribution to deepening democracy in countries in transition, as South Africa and Chile have been since the early 1990s. The experiences of the Community Peace Program and the Barrio Sin Violencia shed light on both the potential and the limitations of efforts to deepen democracy through community dispute resolution. They suggest that whether or not public participation in matters of justice and security fosters more active citizenship in democratizing countries depends on complex cultural and historical influences, including perspectives on sources of authority, institutional patterns of justice, and mutual trust. 相似文献
936.
新《刑事诉讼法》设立的专家辅助人制度,将其适用范围限定在了庭审阶段。但根据我国目前的司法实践来看,刑事诉讼中的鉴定争议大都集中于初查或侦查阶段,因此部分侦查机关已将该制度应用于侦查阶段的鉴定程序中,并取得了较好的效果。由此看来,仅仅在庭审阶段建立专家辅助人,必然存在较多局限,而侦查阶段的鉴定程序建立专家辅助人制度势必具有必要性与可行性。因此,立法应根据诉讼实践,对目前的专家辅助人制度进行完善,以建立合理可行的侦查阶段专家辅助人制度。 相似文献
937.
Ryoko Nakano 《The Pacific Review》2016,29(2):165-186
A territorial dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands has gained a high profile in Sino–Japanese relations. Since the 2012 escalation of the territorial dispute, there is no sign of any de-escalation despite economic interdependence, which previously helped ease the tension. Drawing on the constructivist understanding of threat perception and power transition theory, this article analyzes the way in which the deepening of threat perceptions associated with a perceived regional power transition prevents Japan and China from working beyond their subjective conceptions of justice associated with boarders and history. Since 2012, the Sino–Japanese territorial dispute has increasingly fitted into a larger picture of power-political conflict taking place in a power transition in which both Japan and China aim to return to ‘normality’ by propagating their territorial claims, strengthening their military capabilities, and strategic realignment. To that end, this article first introduces a theoretical framework on the centrality of threat perceptions in power transition. Second, it traces the ways in which Japan and China have developed a threat perception of each other since 1972. The third section deals with the escalation of the Sino–Japanese territorial dispute since 2010 and highlights the deepening of mutual suspicion and threat perception exemplified at the bilateral and multilateral levels. I conclude that the Sino–Japanese territorial debate entered a new stage of normative and power-political competition in earning international support for territorial claims in the East China Sea. 相似文献
938.
医疗纠纷处理的第三方力量分析 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
诸多原因导致目前医疗纠纷处理难度加大,本文主要从医疗纠纷解决涉及的第三方主体角度进行讨论,分析其对医疗纠纷处理的影响,希望对医疗纠纷解决有所裨益。 相似文献
939.
医疗纠纷协商和解的利弊分析及对策 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
协商和解是解决医疗纠纷的重要方式,有明确的法律依据,但在实践当中也存在诸多弊端。要充分发挥协商和解的优势,消除其弊端关键在于依法办事,只有依法办事才能从根本上保障医患双方的合法权益。 相似文献
940.
GATT时期,专家组曾明确指出,"援引例外的缔约方应对其满足例外所有条件承担证明责任",另外从一些专家组报告中还可以推断出"申诉方对被诉方违反GATT的事实负证明责任"。WTO成立后,"申诉方承担被诉方违反WTO规则的证明责任"以及"被诉方对例外或者肯定性抗辩负证明责任"成为专家组和上诉机构分配证明责任的一般规则。但是"申诉方承担被诉方违反WTO规则的证明责任"有可能被滥用,例外条款的辨别也存在难度。"主张事实的一方应提供证明"以及"当事方应合作提供证据"作为证明责任分配的特殊规则,可以在一定程度上解决上述一般规则的问题。 相似文献