Intergovernmental relations on immigrant integration in Italy. Insights from Piedmont and South Tyrol

ABSTRACT

The article analyses the main features of intergovernmental relations (IGR) on immigrant integration in Italy considering reception policies for asylum seekers and economic or family migrants. We study them in a region with an ordinary statute, Piedmont, and in an autonomous province, South Tyrol.

First, we find increasing frequency and institutionalization of IGR. Second, we observe the prevalence of multilateral interaction in ordinary regions, and bilateral interaction in autonomous regions. IGRs related to asylum seekers appear to be more conflictive than those related to economic and family migrants. This is particularly the case in the ordinary region studied here. Hypotheses related to the constitutional structure and the distribution of competency between the central state and regions, have limited explanatory power, whereas party (in)congruence, European integration, and salience of identity claims raised by regionalist parties are stronger. Issue salience emerges as an additional explanation to account for the increasing frequency of IGRs, their institutionalization, and conflictive nature.     

Migration,Internal Security and the UK's EU Membership

A key part of the debate about the UK's membership of the EU is concern about levels of migration and the impact upon security. This paper assesses how much impact EU membership has on each of these issues, and examines the likely impact of leaving the EU in each of these areas.     

“These Few Small Boats”: Representations of Asylum Seekers During Australia’s 1977 and 2001 Elections

ABSTRACT

This paper compares the asylum-seeker discourses of prime minister Malcolm Fraser and his minister for immigration and ethnic affairs, Michael MacKellar, during Australia’s 1977 federal election campaign, with those of prime minister John Howard and his minister for immigration and multicultural affairs, Philip Ruddock, during the much-analysed 2001 election campaign. It argues that in 1977 Fraser was not an outspoken advocate for asylum seekers as he was later in life, but that his silence—when considered in conjunction with MacKellar’s emphatic and humanising statements—functioned to depoliticise boat arrivals and calm public concerns. Further, it demonstrates that the arguments prosecuted by the Howard government in 2001 were not new; similar arguments had been made in 1977 but were decisively rebutted by MacKellar at the time. This analysis ultimately suggests that while government discourses have the power to amplify the latent fears and hostilities that can lead to moral panics, they also have the capacity to defuse them.     

A European response to non-compliance: the Commission’s enforcement efforts and the Common European Asylum System

This article aims at systematically analysing the European Commission’s effort to enforce compliance with the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). In recent years, human rights organisations have increasingly denounced EU member states’ violations of the right to asylum and accused the EU of turning a blind eye to non-compliance with the CEAS. Although the primary responsibility to implement EU law lies with member states, the Commission ought to assist them and enforce violated legislation. How exactly does the Commission react to member states’ non-compliance with the CEAS? What can be inferred from these insights? By using infringement data, policy documents, and complementary interviews, the article scrutinises which of the available instruments are applied de facto. Subsequently, the findings are critically discussed, suggesting that the Commission prefers capacity-enhancing instruments and is rather tentative in using instruments to increase member states’ willingness to comply.     

Away From Home: Somali Women's Mediated Entry Into the United Kingdom

Based on in-depth interviews with 26 Somali women refugees, this article discusses structural arrangements around their settlement in the United Kingdom (UK). Their “male-centered” migration can be viewed as a specific form of patriarchal institution where men control women's trajectories. Based on Bourdieu's concept of social capital, I introduce a new category of knowledge capital—supplementary capital—to discuss sociocultural/political stratifications that affect integration of my informants in the UK. I show how a lack of familiarity with the dominant language became central to their integration difficulties. These underexamined problems are key factors in immigration processes.     

Becoming flesh: refugee hunger strike and embodiments of refusal in German necropolitical spaces

The securitization of the EU’s external borders and repressive asylum policies biopolitically control and discipline the bodies of refugees. In Germany, these developments hark back to a longer colonial history of racialization that the state collectively disavows. To approach this continuity of racialized citizenship, I will analyse a series of hunger strikes that were staged by refugees from 2012 till 2014 in Germany. By asking which possibilities lie in staging the hunger strike, I will argue that Germany’s necropolitical geography of detention, asylum, and deportation marks the racialized refugees’ bodies as disposable within the logics of citizenship. I propose that hunger strike is a form of becoming flesh, which makes visible how racialized violence is enacted on the refugees’ bodies. Becoming flesh articulates a politics of refusal that subverts the logics of recognition, empathy and suffering liberal rights discourses rely on and, instead, performs an embrace of the refugees’ abjection.     

Deserving Shelter: Conditional Access to Accommodation for Rejected Asylum Seekers in Austria,the Netherlands,and Sweden

Abstract

Limitations in access to welfare services for noncitizens of a host country are structured through conditional entitlements, which require benefit claimants to meet certain conditions to access welfare services. This article explores the conditions and regulations determining access to state-organized accommodation facilities for non-removed rejected asylum seekers in Austria, the Netherlands, and Sweden and the way in which these conditions are implemented. Based on qualitative interviews with stakeholders and analysis of policy documents, I argue that qualities of deservingness, such as vulnerability and performance, determine noncitizens’ access to state-provided accommodation, which strengthens the logic of migration control.     

Framing Asylum Discourse in Luxembourg

This article examines media and political asylum discourse inLuxembourg between 1993 and 2000. A frame analysis of mediaand political asylum discourses and a headline analysis of newscoverage of the refugee and asylum question were implementedto that effect. The results show that media and political actorsin Luxembourg used four frames to refer to the refugee and asylumquestion: administrative, genuineness, human dignity, and returnhome. Overall, the framing of asylum discourse in Luxembourgwas shown to reflect a restrictive undercurrent—relatingto the prevention of the asylum systems of member states ofthe European Union—identified in European asylum discourse.The article concludes by noting that the framing of media andpolitical asylum discourse in Luxembourg was affected by national,international and supranational concerns relating to the regulationof asylum.     

Emotional Reactions to and Support for Immigrant Policies: Attributed Responsibilities to Categories of Asylum Seekers

Dutch participants were asked about their support for immigrant policies aimed at public assistance, opportunities, and rights for asylum seekers. In two studies, the degree of support was examined as a consequence of feelings of anger and sympathy toward asylum seekers. In the first study, both emotions were independently related to support for immigrant policies. Anger had a strong negative effect and sympathy a positive one. In the second experimental study, the effects of these emotional responses on support for immigrant policies were examined for two categories of asylum seekers: political refugees who have little choice but to migrate and so called economic refugees who themselves chose to migrate. These two categories feature in public debates and differ in the perceived responsibility of asylum seekers for leaving their home country. It was found that for political refugees only feelings of sympathy affected policy support, whereas for economic refugees only feelings of anger predicted policy support. In both studies, national identification was negatively related to support for immigrant policies and it did not moderate the effects of anger and sympathy. There was some evidence that anger mediated the relationship between national identification and policy support.     

Detaining immigrants and asylum seekers: a normative introduction

Detention of irregular migrants and asylum seekers takes place at the behest and convenience of virtually all liberal states. It is a harmful practice that impacts non-citizens as well as citizens, and has far-reaching ramifications for our understandings of the ethics of immigration and border control. Thus far, however, normative theorists engaged in the vibrant immigration admissions debate have remained mostly silent on the topic of detention. By unmasking and revealing the essential roles played by detention in enforcing immigration controls, this paper is intended to highlight the dangers for normative theory of maligning or underestimating detention. In particular, a study of detention refocuses scholarly attention on the temporal and spatial aspects of immigration enforcement, the undesirability of warehousing or containment proposals for addressing refugee or immigration crises, and the virtually irreconcilable ethical conflicts at the core of the immigration admissions debate. Normative theorists would be remiss in ignoring the ethical and practical consequences for an increasingly large number of people that are exacted by detention practices worldwide.