Legislative Dissent without Reprisal? An Alternative View of Speaker Selection

Very little research has been devoted to examining the nature of Speaker selection in legislatures. This article attempts to provide a new perspective in which future research could examine the election of Speakers. A collective action perspective is put forward, which sees three groups of actors execute separate strategies to reach their own ends: the backbench, the executive and the opposition. These factors are tested on the Speaker selection exercises in the Ontario legislature. In the case study, it was found that the executive rarely gets their choice of Speaker, and three factors identified in the legislative dissent literature are utilised to examine these private acts of dissent: party popularity, cabinet size and the percentage of new legislators entering the party at each legislative term. It was found that the Speaker selection process involves three groups, each with their own preference order in decision-making.     

The Personalization(s) of Politics: Israel, 1949–2003

The relationship between the United States and Iran has had an important influence on world affairs during the past two decades. Accordingly, the U.S. news media have an instrumental role in portraying U.S.‐Iran relations to the public. The Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis of 1979–1981, the TWA hijacking of 1985, the Irangate controversy of 1986–1987, and the Persian Gulf War of 1990–1991 are examples of important media events that have impacted public opinion regarding U.S. policy toward Iran. This research analyzes government and print media portrayals of the Reagan administration's U.S.‐Iran policy during Irangate. Results supported the prediction that the print media would fulfill their “watchdog” function by providing more critical portrayals of the United States' policy toward Iran than the Tower Commission Report, an investigative document published by President Reagan's Special Review Board. Among the three leading newspapers analyzed, there was significant diversity in the reporting of U.S.‐Iran relations. Results indicate the Reagan administration's attempt to “spin” its version of Irangate did not successfully pressure the media to neglect their watchdog role. Although the Tower Commission Report was less critical of U.S. policy toward Iran than the print media, all four print media sources portrayed the Reagan administration's policy as a flawed approach that degenerated into trading arms for hostages. Implications of these findings for future research are discussed.     

The Rise of the Novice Cabinet Minister? The Career Trajectories of Cabinet Ministers in British Government from Attlee to Cameron

Some commentators have observed that today's Cabinet ministers are younger and less experienced than their predecessors. To test this claim, we analyse the data for Labour and Conservative appointments to Cabinet since 1945. Although we find some evidence of a decline in average age and prior experience, it is less pronounced than for the party leaders. We then examine the data for junior ministerial appointments, which reveals that there is no trend towards youth and inexperience present lower down the hierarchy. Taking these findings together, we propose that public profile is correlated with ‘noviceness’; that is, the more prominent the role, the younger and less experienced its incumbent is likely to be. If this is correct, then the claim that we are witnessing the rise of the novice Cabinet minister is more a consequence of the personalisation of politics than evidence of an emerging ‘cult of youth’.     

春秋决狱———从实践出发的审判思路

先秦时代所形成的《春秋》等经典实是先秦时代人们长期实践经验的写照,而《春秋》决狱正是通过对以往人们实践经验的再阐释来平息争端、解决纠纷,达致各方利益平衡的.从尚存的春秋决狱的六个案例中可看出,从实践出发,针对具体案件,解决纠纷才是审判的实质所在.     

网络环境中公民参与的时代价值及路径选择

以互联网为核心的信息网络技术革命更加凸显了公民参与的时代价值,同时也给公民参与带来了许多困境。全面分析网络环境中公民参与的尴尬局面,寻求摆脱这些困境的路径选择,对于引导中国公民理性地进行参与活动,促进中国公民参与的有序化发展具有重要的理论和现实意义。     

One for me and one for you? The spillover effect of heads of lists on the presence and success of candidates of immigrant origin

As gatekeepers to elected office, party selectors are often held responsible for the political under-representation of social groups, including immigrant-origin citizens. This article investigates how the socio-demographic characteristics (immigrant background and gender) of heads of list affect the presence and success of immigrant-origin candidates. Heads of lists constitute a unique group, as they simultaneously act as selectors and role models for aspirants and voters. We rely on an original dataset based on the 2018 local elections in Flanders (Belgium) (N = 31,173 candidates on 1309 lists). To our knowledge, it is the first time such a big endeavour is undertaken. The results show that whereas having an immigrant-origin head of list has a positive effect on both the presence and success of other immigrant-origin candidates, having a female head of list does not. We find a spillover effect within one under-represented group, but not between under-represented groups.     

Nomination and list placement of ethnic minorities under open-list proportional rules: The centrality of ethnopolitical context

Do parties respond to ethnopolitical context when nominating and placing ethnic minority candidates in open-list proportional representation (PR) systems? Open-list PR is by nature candidate centered. Candidates need to attract preference votes to succeed. Political leaders, we argue, anticipate candidates' ability to generate support and the extent of anti-minority sentiment in districts when nominating and placing candidates. To test our arguments, we analyze data on 8945 candidates competing across 124 localities in Latvia's 2017 local elections. Few studies have explored open-list systems in countries like Latvia where preference voting routinely alters list order. Other studies stress the role that context plays in ethnic minority representation, but often lack data on crucial indicators. Our results show that parties nominated more minority candidates in localities with more ethnic minority voters and fewer in those with larger noncitizen populations. We did not, however, find that ethnopolitical context affected list placement.     

The Impact of Prejudice Screening Procedures on Racial Bias in the Courtroom

The current study examines the impact of the challenge for cause procedure and its effectiveness in curbing racial prejudice in trials involving Black defendants. Participants were provided with a trial summary of a defendant charged with either drug trafficking or embezzlement. The race of the defendant was either White or Black, with participants in the Black defendant condition receiving (prior to the trial presentation) either no challenge, a close-ended standard challenge, or a modified reflective pretrial questioning strategy. Overall, the results revealed an anti-Black bias in judgments. While the closed ended challenge did little to reduce this bias, the reflective format demonstrated a reduction in racial bias. Theoretical and applied implications of these findings are discussed.

Medical driver selection and alcohol

Due to the rapid development of motorisation in the past few decades, the epidemic of traffic injuries has become a serious problem. Numerous studies indicate that the human factor, often in connection with alcohol consumption, plays a major role in traffic accidents. Studies also show that people addicted to alcohol often drive under the influence and are not deterred by the possibility of punishment, e.g. a revocation of their driving licence.Our study examined people who caused traffic accidents under the influence of alcohol in Slovenia, the consequences of their actions, police and judicial measures and medical selection.In the last decade, the share of people causing traffic accidents under the influence of alcohol in Slovenia has been on the rise. Higher blood alcohol levels are found in people causing fatal traffic accidents, most of them are cyclists, pedestrians and tractor drivers, aged between 25 and 34; the accidents are most common on village roads, on weekends. The discrepancy between numbers of intoxicated drivers with suspended driving licences (approximately 8500/year) and between numbers of successfully terminated judicial procedures is particularly worrisome. When these drivers get their licences back, the medical selection process is inadequate.Our results emphasise the problem of medical selection for reinstatement of penalized drivers. The inadequate approach currently in force allows too many dangerous drivers, most still addicted to alcohol, to return to traffic without medical selection. The only solution to this problem is an immediate change in legislation that would require rigorous medical selection for all reinstatements of drivers who drove under the influence of alcohol. This would decrease the numbers of intoxicated drivers in traffic and at least partly decrease the numbers of alcohol addicts in society.     

司法程序的政治维度——读《司法和国家权力的多种面孔》

著名比较法学家达玛什卡教授所著的《司法和国家权力的多种面孔》一书从司法程序的政治维度出发,通过对司法程序与权力组织形式、司法程序与政府职能倾向的关连性分析,成功地建立了一种政治维度下的司法类型学模型。纠纷解决型程序适应于彻底的自由放任型政府的意识形态;政策实施型程序适应于能动型的国家职能。