中国农村最低生活保障制度体系构建探析

农村最低生活保障制度是社会主义新农村建设的重要环节，但由于制度边界、制度机制、治理结构和制度文化等要素的不完善，农村最低生活保障制度未能发挥其制度效应，实现制度效益最大化。要构建农村最低生活保障制度体系，应结合中国农村发展实际，进行全面、系统的制度创新，以降低交易成本，提高资源配置效率，实现社会福利最大化。     

偷越国(边)境案件的法律适用问题探究

偷越国(边)境案件近年呈逐渐递增之趋势.出于其他目的骗取出境证件的,可根据不同情况构成偷越国(边)境罪的停止形态或者偷越国(边)境罪的共犯;拉拢、引诱他人偷越国(边)境的行为可分别构成组织他人偷越国(边)境罪和偷越国(边)境罪的教唆犯;介绍他人偷越国(边)境的,成立组织他人偷越国(边)境罪和偷越国(边)境罪的想象竞合犯;同时实施了组织他人偷越国(边)境的行为、运送他人偷越国(边)境、骗取出境证件或者偷越国(边)境行为的,应当从一重处断.     

市场混淆行为的界定

市场混淆行为是世界各国普遍存在的不正当竞争行为,因其出现较早、危害极大而被世界各国高度重视。根据市场混淆行为的定义,应明确市场混淆行为范围、主体、客体、主观方面、客观方面的界定标准。     

近代中国边境界务与民族国家的早期塑造

世界近代史发展脉络的实质,包含两个不同侧面:由工业化、商品化导致的经济一体化进程;由民族主义诉求与民族国家兴起而导致的政治多元化趋向。具体、细微地研究近代中国边境勘界界务史实,可在中国与周边国家进行边界确认过程中,揭示出民族国家早期塑造之内涵,进而也凸显出世界经济一体化进程中,由民族国家趋向导致的政治多元化的客观存在。     

Economic justice in later life: A Canadian perspective

A view of distributive or economic justice is presented. Economic justice can best be achieved through the construction and administration of social policies that promote equality of condition and opportunity such that people are able to achieve equitable outcomes based on their needs and the community's assessment of their contributions. A discussion of the income security situation of older Canadians provides an empirical vehicle for illustrating this view. The point is made that before economic justice can prevail social policies must be developed such that current levels of structured inequality are significantly moderated. Equity will be realized only when there is a shift in policy-making such that claims of citizenship take precedence over those claims based on the rights of property.     

国际通信法:界域、主体及架构

国际通信法是现代国际法专业化发展的产物,其界域包括两类通信领域的国际事务:一是国际通信活动的规制,二是通信制度的国际协调;其主体具有鲜明的多元化特征,被国际通信法赋予国际人格并参加国际通信法律关系的实体,不仅有国家和政府间国际组织,还有法人和个人。国际通信法是一个庞大的法律体系,其规范具有普遍性、区域性和双边性三个不同层次,分属国际电信联盟、万国邮政联盟、世界贸易组织等众多国际体制,归于国际通信通道法、国际通信服务法和国际通信行为法三个不同板块,由此形成了国际通信法的立体网络架构。我国通信事业的发展非常迅速,但有关通信的立法相对滞后。因此,有必要熟悉通信领域的国际规则,加强国际通信法的研究。     

基层警力不足的经济学分析

随着我国经济和社会的发展,社会治安的形势也越来越严峻,人们对公安机关提出了更多的期待,而公安机关的工作任务越来越重,基层民警的工作对社会治安形势的影响重大,关系到国家的长治久安,但是由于公安工作的特殊性以及制度保障等方面的不足,造成了警力难以下沉,基层警力不足。本文从经济学的角度,尤其是运用公共经济学中公共产品、"理性经济人"假设,成本收益等理论进行分析,从而得出造成我国基层警力不足的原因。要缓解基层警力不足,需要提高公众对民警的认同,提高民警的待遇,合理的使用经费以及提高现有人力资源的使用效率。     

Is Multiculturalism Bad for Social Cohesion and Redistribution?

Multiculturalism as an official policy strategy has recently come in for significant criticism in a number of Western European countries. A key criticism is that multicultural policies undermine redistribution policies, since they would erode the social cohesion upon which redistribution measures are built. However, empirical research does not univocally confirm this critique. This article explains why this is the case. The first argument is called the integration‐recognition paradox. Policies that focus on recognising minority groups may lead to a greater social acceptance of those minorities, and in turn may lead to their feeling more appreciated as participants in society. In a second argument, the authors discuss how multicultural policies could easily be combined with policies that invest in national unity and social cohesion.     

Digital Politics in Western Democracies: A Comparative Study

Satisfaction with democracy is driven by the two mechanisms that affect citizens’ income: the market and the state. When people consider that the levels of economic growth and redistribution are sufficient, they are more satisfied with the performance of democratic institutions. This relationship is moderated by personal income: since low-income citizens are more sensitive to changes in personal economic circumstances than high-income citizens, they give more weight to economic perceptions and opinions about redistribution. In this paper evidence is found of this conditional relationship in survey data from 16 established democracies. The results offer a rich characterisation of the state and market-based mechanisms that affect satisfaction with democracy.     

Challenging the boundaries of democratic inclusion? Young people's attitudes about the distribution of voting rights

In theoretical debates about the quality of democratic rule, the core question concerns membership, and the adequate constitution of the demos: who is entitled to participate in choosing political representatives? This article enhances the predominantly normative debates on democratic inclusion and boundary making by taking an empirical perspective and analysing attitudes of 16–18-year-old teenagers regarding preconditions for the distribution of voting rights. Based on data stemming from 13 focus groups conducted in three Austrian cities in spring 2010, our findings show that principles related to both competence (autonomy, knowledge) and community (showing concern, being subjected to the law) matter when it comes to democratic boundary making. Furthermore, the study reveals that, in trying to explain the formation of juvenile attitudes about boundary issues, institutions are relevant when related to the conjunctive experiences manifested in the group-specific habitus: while young immigrants argue more inclusionarily than natives in terms of community-related preconditions, especially as far as the roles of language and citizenship are concerned, students argue more exclusionarily than apprentices when it comes to competence-related preconditions, especially civic education. Boundary making affects social groups independent of national origin or citizenship and can therefore be considered a permanent process beyond international migration.