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161.
Nemanja Vučković MSc Nikola Glođović BSc Željko Radovanović PhD Đorđe Janaćković PhD Nikola Milašinović PhD 《Journal of forensic sciences》2021,66(1):149-160
Most chemical and physical methods employed in visualizing latent marks have shown detrimental effects on human health and, therefore, some research groups have directed their attention to the utilization of various (bio)polymers with the aforementioned purpose. Although chitosan is widely used in medicine, pharmacy, food, and drug delivery systems, there are very few studies that address this biopolymer utilization in forensic applications, such as the detection of latent fingerprints. We used chitosan crosslinked with sodium tripolyphosphate and conjugated with L‐lysine to enhance the visualization of latent fingerprints, due to its ability to interact with fingerprint sweat residues. These conjugates were prepared using different (w/w) amounts of chitosan and tripolyphosphate (6/1; 4/1; 1/1; 1/4; and 1/6), and those with the most promising results (i.e., 6/1 formulation) were investigated in detail. Fourier transform infrared (FT‐IR) spectroscopy confirmed interactions between components of the systems. Optical microscopy and scanning electron microscope (SEM) analysis showed that prepared powder formulations were uniform in size and confirmed that chitosan/tripolyphosphate/lysine conjugates bind easily to the sweat and lipid residues present in the latent fingerprints. The testing of prepared conjugates demonstrated the potential of these systems as bio‐based powder substitution for commercially available powders. 相似文献
162.
The accuracy of fingerprint identifications is critically important to the administration of criminal justice. Accuracy is challenging when two prints from different sources have many common features and few dissimilar features. Such print pairs, known as close non‐matches (CNMs), are increasingly likely to arise as ever‐growing databases are searched with greater frequency. In this study, 125 fingerprint agencies completed a mandatory proficiency test that included two pairs of CNMs. The false‐positive error rates on the two CNMs were 15.9% (17 out of 107, 95% C.I.: 9.5%, 24.2%) and 28.1% (27 out of 96, 95% C.I.: 19.4%, 38.2%), respectively. These CNM error rates are (a) inconsistent with the popular notion that fingerprint evidence is nearly infallible, and (b) larger than error rates reported in leading fingerprint studies. We conclude that, when the risk of CNMs is high, the probative value of a reported fingerprint identification may be severely diminished due to an elevated false‐positive error risk. We call for additional CNM research, including a replication and expansion of the present study using a representative selection of CNMs from database searches. 相似文献
163.
Irwin Sandler Michael Saini Marsha Kline Pruett JoAnne L. Pedro‐Carroll Janet R. Johnston Amy Holtzworth‐Munroe Robert E. Emery 《Family Court Review》2016,54(2):150-166
This is the second of two articles on the risks of advocacy bias in the reporting of research findings when boundaries are blurred between social science research and advocacy in the pursuit of public policy. In the first article we identify common ways in which social science researchers and reviewers of research—wittingly or unwittingly—can become advocates for ideological positions and social policies at the expense of being balanced reporters of research evidence. The first article discusses the difference between truth in social science and truth in law and identifies a range of scholar‐advocacy strategies that bias research evidence, illustrated by recent debates about overnight parenting of infants and toddlers. In this second article we show how biased research evidence by scholar advocates results in increased confusion and controversy that diminishes the credibility of all parties and stalemates progress in the field, using a case illustration of intimate partner violence in family court. We also show how adherence to scientific methods prevents the misuse of research and suggest a number of collaborative, integrative measures that can help transcend the adversarial stalemate. In a look to the future we consider some unbiased, standardized ways of assessing the strength and generalizability of research evidence. 相似文献
164.
Sanford L. Braver Irwin N. Sandler Liza Cohen Hita Lorey A. Wheeler 《Family Court Review》2016,54(3):349-363
Parents who experience great amounts of legal conflict as they dissolve their relationship and arrive at their parenting arrangements require an outsize proportion of courts’ time and resources. Additionally, there is overwhelming evidence that conflict has a deleterious effect on their children. We partnered with the family court to conduct a study comparing the effectiveness of two programs for families deemed by their judge to be high conflict and thereby mandated to a program. Both involved one 3‐hour session; the existing program, Parent Conflict Resolution (PCR), used exhortational lecture and video; the newly designed experimental program, Family Transitions Guide (FTG), based on motivational interviewing, employed exercises attempting to get parents to decide for themselves what they needed to do for the sake of their children. Parents were assigned at random to one of the two programs (the literature often terms this a randomized clinical trial) and were interviewed just before it began and 9 months later, as was a child. Results showed that child's report of their own well‐being was significantly improved by FTG as compared to PCR and that these effects were mediated by children feeling less caught in the middle. On several variables, parent report showed that parents in PCR as compared to FTG felt decreased problems in co‐parenting and less interparental conflict, although the effects were not consistent across mother and father report. There was also evidence of diminished legal conflict over 9 months in FTG as compared to PCR. 相似文献
165.
Children often need help before their parents are ready to stop fighting. Children at the center of high‐conflict disputes, particularly those who resist contact with a parent, face extraordinary risks of maladjustment. Years of investigation and litigation may precede any meaningful attempt at intervention, based on the questionable belief that all elements of causality (or blame) must be established before any effective treatment can occur. Children's functioning may continue to deteriorate during this time, undermining their future adjustment and reducing the chance of successful intervention later. We illustrate the application of the coping‐focused, multisystemic Child Centered Conjoint Therapy model to assisting these families. Methods to assist children without compromising external investigations are discussed. 相似文献
166.
Sixty high‐conflict separated/divorced co‐parents completed surveys investigating characteristics and dynamics (narcissism, empathy, conflict) that were examined in relation to co‐parenting style and parents' experiences of parenting coordination, legal, and mental health interventions. Study findings for this sample did not support common notions found in the literatures on parenting coordination and high‐conflict divorce that suggest these parents are often narcissistic or low in empathy. Findings pertaining to all high‐conflict participant experiences revealed the presence of common elements across aspects of practitioners and interventions with which they were both satisfied and dissatisfied. 相似文献
167.
168.
Zhiqun Zhu 《Asian Politics & Policy》2016,8(4):575-592
This article examines evolving China‐North Korea relations since the early 1990s. It suggests that current Chinese policy toward the Korean Peninsula is not based on ideology but driven by strategic and economic interests. While China‐South Korea relations have warmed up, China‐North Korea relations have deteriorated. Contrary to conventional perception that the two countries are allies, China sees North Korea as a liability now; yet China is unlikely to abandon North Korea soon. The complex China‐North Korea relationship reflects dilemmas China faces in its foreign policy. The so‐called “North Korea problem” is indeed a “US‐China problem.” How far China can go regarding North Korea is closely tied to the state of US‐China relations. Only through US‐China cooperation to map out a future East Asian security arrangement acceptable to both powers can a satisfactory solution to the North Korea problem be found. 相似文献
169.
Renato Cruz De Castro 《Asian Politics & Policy》2016,8(2):305-328
This article examines the Philippines’ two approaches to China's emergence as a power. The first is the Philippines’ strategy of equi‐balancing the United States and China in the early years of the 21st century. During this period, the country revived and strengthened its security arrangements with the United States while at the same time, it obtained economic and politico‐diplomatic concessions from East Asia's emergent power, China. The second is the Philippines’ strategic balancing policy on China. Since 2011, the Aquino Administration has been conducting a delicate balancing act vis‐à‐vis China, which has become aggressive in asserting its sovereignty over the South China Sea. Currently, the Philippines seeks U.S. diplomatic support and security guarantees in relation to its territorial row with China. In the process, President Aquino has discarded his predecessor's policy of equi‐balancing the great powers and tilted the balance in favor of the United States. This policy shift that entails American and Japanese strategic backing doubtlessly enhances the Philippine‐U.S. alliance but strains Philippine‐China bilateral relations. 相似文献
170.
Research indicates that voters are not particularly effective at removing corrupt politicians from office, in part because voters make decisions on the basis of many competing factors. Party leaders are much more single-minded than voters and will choose to deselect implicated legislators if it means maintaining a positive party reputation and improving the odds of winning a legislative majority. We examine renominations to Italy’s legislature in two periods marked by corruption. We compare these renomination patterns with those from the prior legislature, when corruption lacked political salience. Our analysis shows that incumbent renominations are negatively associated with the number of press mentions that link the incumbent to corruption—but only when corruption is salient to the public. Our study highlights the importance of party leaders in forcing malfeasant legislators out of office—and reducing corruption—and redirects attention from voters to political elites as a critical channel in enforcing democratic accountability. 相似文献