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91.
Over 30 years ago, Eric Browne and Mark Franklin demonstrated that parties in a coalition tend to receive portfolio payoffs in almost perfect proportionality to their seat share. Even though this result has been confirmed in several studies, few researchers have asked what the underlying mechanism is that explains why parties receive a proportional payoff. The aim of this paper is to investigate the causal mechanism linking party size and portfolio payoffs. To fulfil this aim, a small-n analysis is performed. By analysing the predictions from a statistical analysis of all post-war coalition governments in 14 Western European countries, two predicted cases are selected, the coalitions that formed after the 1976 Swedish election and the 1994 German election. In these case studies two hypotheses are evaluated: that the proportional distribution of ministerial posts is the result of a social norm, and that parties obtain payoffs according to their bargaining strength. The results give no support to the social norm hypothesis. Instead, it is suggested that proportionality serves as a bargaining convention for the actors involved, thus rendering proportional payoffs more likely.  相似文献   
92.
This paper considers the relationship between the growing dominance of career politicians in the Australian federal legislature and models of party organisation. Using data on MPs in the Australian federal parliament, this study maps changes in models of party organisation to the occupational profiles of MPs between 1949 and 2007. The findings show a correspondence between the phenomenon of cartelisation and the appearance of legislators whose previous occupation was in the political sphere. The authors suggest that there is a relationship between different modes of party organisation and both the supply of candidates and the demand-side factors influencing party selectors. The paper concludes that theories of recruitment should include a greater emphasis on models of party organisation to explain better the uniformity of recruitment outcomes across advanced democracies.  相似文献   
93.
SUMMARY

The current essay discusses the narratives of five community psychologists from the perspective of a career “calling.” Each of the essays highlight different components of a calling: employing deep discernment to know the right path for oneself; experiencing a calling to do one's work, an invitation to which we choose to respond; serving community; discovering your quintessential self or “genius”; and using your gifts for the common good. Moreover, the author discusses how the essays not only illustrate calling, but also the emergence of confidence and the subjective career.  相似文献   
94.
高职院校思想品德教育要坚持"成才先成人"、"立业先立德"的育人原则。一要定位准确、目标明确,以中华民族优秀的思想传统和道德传统以及现代公共道德、法制观念为基础。二要切合实际,注重成效;走出第一课堂,深入到第二、三课堂之中,要善于创新。三要内外结合,科学构建突出职业教育作用,构建符合高职教育宗旨和特点的育人模式;建立科学的评价机制。  相似文献   
95.
基于包含资产组合调整成本与金融冲击的NKMP-DSGE模型,文章考察了金融冲击的宏观经济效应。金融冲击的贝叶斯脉冲响应函数表明,积极的金融冲击引起产出与就业的上升并降低了失业。通过贝叶斯脉冲响应函数的比较发现,资产组合调整成本在一定程度上阻碍了金融冲击作用的发挥。进一步,失业的贝叶斯冲击分解表明,货币政策冲击是推动失业波动的主要动力,而金融冲击则次之。因此,扩宽融资渠道,降低资产组合调整成本,将有利于金融冲击积极作用的发挥。并且,本文研究支持了在遭遇大的逆向外部冲击时政府采用非常规货币政策,进而形成积极的金融冲击影响劳动力市场。  相似文献   
96.
以1000名企业员工为调查对象,采用对偶比较法探讨了职业发展水平和组织文化强度对员工PO匹配偏好的影响.运用SPSS11.5对收集的780份有效问卷进行因素分析及独立样本T检验,结果显示:(1)当前我国员工整体更加偏好采用能力匹配的方式实现PO匹配;(2)职业发展水平较高的员工更加偏好价值观匹配,职业发展水平较低的员工更加偏好能力匹配;(3)在组织文化强度较高的企业中员工更加偏好价值观匹配,在组织文化强度较低的企业中员工更加偏好能力匹配.最后,对研究的理论和实践意义作了探讨.  相似文献   
97.
正A Japanese actor’s ups and downs in ChinaKoji Yano from Osaka,Japan,came to Beijing in 2001 to follow his dream of stardom.Before,Yano had lived and struggled in Tokyo for eight years working as a bar tender,an actor’s assistant and occasionally as an extra."I wanted to become a great actor,but I couldn’t make it in Japan at the time,"the 43-year-old said.  相似文献   
98.
开设于政法高职院校的法律文书课程,应当在教学内容和教学方式上与其培养目标相一致。本文从职业教育的角度出发,探讨法律文书课程与司法实践职业接轨的方式和特点。  相似文献   
99.
在知识经济时代 ,产品的生产、商品价值的提高 ,企业的成长乃至国家竞争力的增强 ,都必须将更加依赖于知识和掌握知识的人力资本。评述人力资本产权制度的建立与完善是对提高企业经济效益、促进教育事业和国民经济的发展都会起到举足轻重的作用。  相似文献   
100.
Parties in coalition governments must address the ‘unity/distinctiveness’ dilemma: how to maintain governing cohesion, while sustaining individual identities. Within the Cameron–Clegg government this is a challenge for both parties, but it is more so for the Liberal Democrats as the junior partner. This paper considers how the Liberal Democrats negotiated this dilemma in relation to ministerial portfolio allocations. While the Liberal Democrat strategy of placing ministers in almost all departments has served the Coalition well in terms of governing unity, it has limited the extent to which they have been able to assert their distinctive contribution to Coalition policy‐making. This is demonstrated through an examination of the Liberal Democrats' influence on Coalition welfare policy. A lack of clear policy contributions is potentially highly damaging to the Liberal Democrats electorally, as it suggests that they have made little substantive contribution to the Coalition beyond propping up their Conservative partners. Accordingly, the paper reflects on lessons for junior partners in future UK coalition governments, suggesting that concentrating ministers within one or two departments may provide a more viable means of carving out a distinctive governing legacy.  相似文献   
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