Asked and Answered: Knowledge Levels When We Will Not Take “Don't Know” for an Answer

A pivotal claim in research on citizen competence is that the typical citizen knows very little about politics. Public opinion surveys provide a considerable body of evidence in support of this position. However, survey protocols with respect to factual questions about politics violate established norms in psychometric research on educational testing in that don't know answers are encouraged rather than discouraged. Because encouraging don't know responses potentially confounds efforts to identify substantive understanding, this practice may lead to the systematic understatement of political knowledge. We explore this possibility with data drawn from three split-ballot tests: one conducted as part of a survey in the Tallahassee, Florida, metropolitan area, one conducted as part of the 1998 NES Pilot, and one conducted as part of the 2000 NES. Results reveal that the mean level of political knowledge increases by approximately 15% when knowledge questions are asked in accordance with accepted practices in educational testing.     

公民宪法权利比较研究——以中国、美国、德国为中心

我国宪法关于公民权利之内容规定是比较完善的,但在语言表述方式上不太规范,对宪法权利的制度救济也显见得有些薄弱,并提出了改善的措施.     

浅析市民社会法对利益的分配

中国法治社会的进程伴随着市民社会的形成,面临着国家利益与个人利益的重新分配问题,可以通过对不同阶段、不同类型的法对利益分配方式的分析,来归纳出影响法对利益进行分配的因素,从而为顺利解决这一重新分配问题找到理论依据。     

我国公共政策制定过程中的公民参与问题

本文通过对我国公共政策制定过程中公民参与的现状和问题的分析,提出一些政策建议。     

Can't Get No Satisfaction? The Association Between Community Satisfaction and Population Size for Victoria

Traditionally, the problem of determining the optimal size in local government has been empirically assessed by estimating the relationship between population size and the costs of services (usually measured in terms of per capita expenditure). These studies, however, have proved largely inconclusive. In comparison, an empirical analysis based on the relationship between the size of government and community satisfaction offers a potentially fruitful contribution to the debate regarding the optimal size of local government. However, to date, few studies have followed this approach. We therefore contribute to this literature by exploring the relationship between population size and community satisfaction for Victorian councils. Our findings provide evidence of an inverted ‘U‐shaped’ relationship, which predicts low community satisfaction at very large and very small population sizes.     

大众文学与日本“近代”“国民”

日本大众文学是日本近代民族国家确立过程中的有机组成部分。日本近代大众文学可分为两个时期:第一时期,大正末年到昭和十年(1935),作家多将时代背景设置在幕府末期至明治初期,实质是通过文学的方式对近代民族国家的大日本帝国的历史的再发现;第二时期,昭和十年至1945年战败,作家大多表达了作为大日本帝国国民一员的自豪感和归属感,体现了日本知识阶层的国民化,这一时期的《宫本武藏》更被认为是日本国民自我的确认之作。然而,从战时的《宫本武藏》到2010年时代小说《天地明察》的畅销,我们仍能透视出内在的历史连续性。     

R2P: “State of Play”

Abstract

Is R2P the most effective tool the international community has to prevent genocide, or the newest neo-imperial norm perpetuated by the most powerful states? In a dramatic performance of the key debates within R2P, each of these views is presented before Aristotlean and Tocquevillean insights are drawn upon to find a middle ground rooted in citizen resistance against mass atrocity crimes. R2P can both become a more effective tool of prevention and gain needed political legitimacy by drawing on the rich historical tradition of citizen resistance to empower local actors defying regimes engaged in mass atrocity crimes.     

百多年来中国公民政治权利的演进轨迹

新中国成立以前,我国没什么公民政治权利可言。1949年,中华人民共和国宣告成立,标志着一个独立的主权国家的诞生,这为我国公民政治权利的确立提供了政治基础。1954年制定的宪法使我国公民政治权利得以正式确立。在这一过程中,既有丰富的经验也有深刻的教训,并给我们以宝贵的启示：社会主义是中国公民政治权利确立的重要保证,中国共产党的领导是中国公民政治权利确立的关键,公民政治权利的实现程度必须与政治发展水平相吻合。     

论当前网络政治参与对社会稳定的负向影响

目前我国网民规模跃居世界第一位,随着时间的推移,这个数字还在不断攀升。互联网已经成为继报纸、广播、电视之后的第四大媒体,并有后来居上之势。互联网作为当代公民政治参与的新途径,在肯定其积极的作用的同时,也应看到互联网对于社会稳定的负向作用。从目前的发展状况来看,网络政治参与尚处在初级阶段甚至是萌芽时期,不可避免地带有很大程度的有限性。     

行政规范性文件的法律地位研究

行政规范性文件是由行政机关制定的规章以外的行政管理行为规则。我国在入世议定书已经承诺行政规范性文件将予以公开,因此,加入WTO以后其将成为行政法治中的一个重要问题。然而,行政规范性文件的法律地位(如性质、调整方式、规范效力等)在行政法学体系中却无系统理论,学界关于规范性文件的诸认识不统一,其在实然方面的规制方式应规范并应具有法律地位。