廉政文化社会化的有效路径

廉政文化社会化,简而言之就是促使崇尚廉洁、鄙弃贪腐的价值理念成为社会大众的共识和追求的过程。廉政文化社会化。不仅需要平台和载体,而且更需要同其他类型的文化共同“搭台唱戏”。一是通过对传统文化“取其精华,去其糟粕”,将廉政文化与中国历史文化有机融合。二是通过对民族文化中蕴藏的廉政文化资源的深入挖掘,以及利用民族文化的传承方式来推进廉政文化传播,促进廉政文化与民族文化的有效结合。三是通过艺术文化表现形式的多样性来拓展廉政文化的传播途径,从而实现廉政文化与艺术文化的相互渗透和相互推进。四是通过找准旅游与廉政文化建设的有效结合点,推进廉政文化与旅游文化的互补与互动。     

苗药文化与贵州省少数民族制药业发展探析

贵州省苗药文化源远流长,应本着保护苗药文化、苗药产业和少数民族群众权益的目的,在政府的大力支持下,引进资金,加强苗药的宣传促销,塑造贵州苗药区域品牌;加大教育科研创新力度,加强规范化的中草药培养基地建设,培训民间药材加工技能,增强苗药知识产权保护意识;开发与保护相协调,以促进贵州省少数民族制药业持续、健康、快速的发展。     

基于实践思维方式视阈下对推动社会主义文化大发展大繁荣的思考

推动社会主义文化大发展大繁荣,是一项工程巨大的合目的性与合规律性相统一的实践活动。基于实践思维方式来思考这一工程,必须把握好方式方法,即推进文化改革发展的基本方法———实事求是;必须落实于具体实践,即建设社会主义文化强国的现实基础———生产实践;必须借助于价值指导,即发展文化事业和文化产业的理性标准———核心价值;必须落脚于人的发展,即推动社会主义文化大发展大繁荣的实践诉求———以人为本。     

论慈善文化的结构及其建设

慈善文化是由慈善意识、慈善价值观、慈善组织机构、慈善行为、慈善外显和支持慈善事业发展的法律、制度所构成的总和,是以慈善精神文化为核心,由制度文化、行为文化和物质文化所围成的四个同心圆所构成。慈善精神文化主要包括慈善意识和慈善价值观,应通过宣传、利用信仰、创造慈善意识环境和慈善文化教育进行建设;慈善制度文化,主要包括慈善管理体制、慈善组织机构和慈善法规及管理制度,应当在改革慈善管理体制和完善慈善立法方面加强建设;慈善行为文化是指在慈善活动中产生的活动文化,包括慈善家行为和其它人员行为;慈善物质文化,是慈善文化的表层部分,是一种外显文化。     

中西方理想人格思想研究及启示

西方人格理论关注个体;中国儒释道的理想人格是圣贤仙佛,是社会理想与集体价值的体现;马克思追求的理想人格是自由全面发展的人,强调个人理想与社会理想的统一。借鉴这些理想人格思想中的合理因素,在当代青年理想人格的培育过程申,理想人格的价值取向应体现真善美的统一,理想人格的实现途径应注重自愿与自觉、自律与他律、德育与才育和重义与趋利等四个方面的统一。     

传统孝道之两面观

以传统孝道为核心内容的孝文化是中国传统文化一项很重要的内容。孝道是中国传统伦理的核心观念,是中国人的一种道德意识和立身、处世的基本准则,也是传统社会治国安邦的重要方略。但是和其他文化遗产一样,孝文化也有积极与消极的方面,对此我们要加以批判的继承,以适应现代社会发展的要求。     

价值内核与制度载体———探索建设社会主义核心价值体系的法制路径

法制凭借其独特的作用机制,在社会主义核心价值体系建设中能够发挥重要作用。法律制度承载着社会主义核心价值,并通过法律实施使得相应价值诉求得以最终实现。在运用法制推进社会主义核心价值体系建设的过程中,可能会面临制度设计的难题,法的局限性的制约以及价值体系流动性的挑战。社会主义核心价值体系不但可以借助于制度载体加以贯彻和实现,而且对法制也会产生积极影响。     

Paradoxes and Failures: ‘New Governance’ Techniques and the Financial Crisis

This article examines the performance of four ‘new governance’ techniques of regulation in the period leading up to the financial crisis: principles based regulation, risk based regulation, meta‐regulation and enrolment. These techniques have been advocated on the basis that they are responsive, flexible, and in enrolling others in the regulatory project thereby expand its capacity, and even its legitimacy. However, experience in the crisis revealed that in their implementation they can be out of touch or indulgent, focus heavily on auditable systems and processes, and that in enrolling others they can increase vulnerabilities and the potential for negative endogenous effects. The argument is not that there should be a return to adversarial ‘command and control’ regulation, rather that experience of these strategies in the crisis suggests a need to understand in greater depth the refractive effects of the organisational, technical/functional and cognitive dimensions of regulatory governance, if we are to understand and adapt its performance in different contexts.     

The Baltic Question in West German Politics, 1949–90

While previous research by international lawyers has emphasized Bonn's value-neutral legalistic approach to the Baltic question from 1949 to 1990, this article–based on documents from the German Foreign Ministry archives–shows that the West Germans saw the Baltic issue as a political problem that interfered with their highest national aim: German unification. It addresses the following questions: first, why Bonn never made an official announcement of, and never publicly gave a justification for, its stance on the Baltic question; and second, why Bonn granted Baltic refugees the same rights that it offered other Heimat-less foreigners, whereas the remnants of Baltic diplomatic services or self-proclaimed exile governments found no official recognition in Germany. Finally, it comments on the role of the so-called German Balts in West German politics, and in Bonn's Baltic policies specifically.     

Book Reviews

This article examines East European migrants’ relationships with other communities in the context of waged work through in-depth interviews with recent Polish and Lithuanian migrants to London. These migrants found themselves newly surrounded by greater racial and ethnic diversity. By distinguishing themselves from other workers on the basis of skin color and legal status, they present themselves as members of the host country's ‘white’ majority, which places them in a position of power in relation to other migrant groups in London.