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111.
周宏 《南京政治学院学报》2003,19(2):46-49
阶级分析方法是马克思主义的基本方法。在意识形态批判中 ,必须把特定阶级的阶级实践和历史命运作为该阶级意识形态的基础。在对意识形态的阶级分析中 ,应该坚持具体性原则和历史性原则。无产阶级的阶级实践是意识形态批判走向现实的基本途径的观点 ,是阶级分析方法运用于意识形态批判的必然结论。 相似文献
112.
汤瑞林 《长沙民政职业技术学院学报》2003,10(2):46-47
高校的扩招以及班级学生的增多给英语教学带来了种种不便。本文结合多年的英语教学经验,对英语大课堂的教学方法作了初步探讨。 相似文献
113.
社会公众股类别表决的法理基础——用比较的方法分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文首先指出我国目前所谓的“分类表决”不太规范,应称之为“社会公众股类别表决”,以有利于公司法在此基础上构建我国统一的类别表决制度。然后分析了国外及港台的类别表决制度的法理基础,最后用比较的方法分析了我国社会公众股类别表决制度的法理依据及其利弊。 相似文献
114.
阎志民 《中共山西省委党校学报》2002,25(3):3-6
文章分析了我国现阶段阶级阶层变化的趋势、原因和特点 ,认为我国现阶段阶级构成的基本格局没有变 ,仍是工人阶级和农民阶级两大阶级 ,但每个阶级内部发生了重大变化。同时 ,社会分层化趋势明显 ,出现了若干新的社会阶层 相似文献
115.
Barry Cannon 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2004,23(3):285-302
This article assesses the merits of opposing National Assembly reports into the coup against President Chávez of Venezuela in April 2002. Looking at the historical context and the content of the reports, it argues that the two opposing accounts reflect a class division that has always existed in Venezuela but has been officially denied. It concludes that a possible exit from the stalemate could be that the opposition accept the reality of this class division and therefore the Chávez government as a legitimate representative of the popular classes. This, however, is unlikely in the present circumstances. 相似文献
116.
Jörg Michael Dostal 《The Political quarterly》2015,86(4):523-531
This article outlines the rise and fall of the ‘Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the West’ (Pegida), a right‐wing populist street movement that originated in the city of Dresden in October 2014 and peaked in January 2015. The Pegida movement combined fear of ‘Islamisation’ with general criticism of Germany's political class and the mainstream media. This ambivalent and largely undefined political profile proved its strength in mobilising a significant minority of right‐wing citizens in the local context of Dresden and the federal state of Saxony, but generally failed to spill over to other parts of Germany. The social profile of the Pegida movement, which included ‘ordinary citizens’ with centre‐right to far‐right attitudes, points to significant overlap between general disenchantment of the political centre ground in Germany with the political system, as outlined in recent sociological research, and the ability of a largely leaderless populism to mobilise in the streets. 相似文献
117.
Increasingly, scholars of legislative politics propose comparative analyses of parliamentary voting behaviour across different countries and parliaments. Yet parliamentary voting procedures differ dramatically across parliamentary chambers and ignoring these differences may, in the extreme, lead to meaningless comparisons. This paper presents a first glimpse at a comprehensive data collection effort covering more than 250 parliamentary chambers in 176 countries. Focusing on European legislatures it assesses what explains the differences in the rules among chambers. It is found that incentives linked to MPs’ visibility contribute to explain the transparency of the adopted voting procedures. 相似文献
118.
Explaining Explanations: How Legislators Explain their Policy Positions and How Citizens React 下载免费PDF全文
Christian R. Grose Neil Malhotra Robert Parks Van Houweling 《American journal of political science》2015,59(3):724-743
Legislators claim that how they explain their votes matters as much as or more than the roll calls themselves. However, few studies have systematically examined legislators’ explanations and citizen attitudes in response to these explanations. We theorize that legislators strategically tailor explanations to constituents in order to compensate for policy choices that are incongruent with constituent preferences, and to reinforce policy choices that are congruent. We conduct a within‐subjects field experiment using U.S. senators as subjects to test this hypothesis. We then conduct a between‐subjects survey experiment of ordinary people to see how they react to the explanatory strategies used by senators in the field experiment. We find that most senators tailor their explanations to their audiences, and that these tailored explanations are effective at currying support—especially among people who disagree with the legislators’ roll‐call positions. 相似文献
119.
吴军 《北京行政学院学报》2015,(4):10-17
城市发展动力问题一直备受社会和学界关注。新型城镇化背景下,以人为本的思路要求城市发展模式从规模粗放型向质量集约型转变、从增量扩能向做优存量调整。因为单纯依赖土地、劳动力、资金和管理效率等要素的“传统模式”,很难维持城市的可持续发展。在新背景下,大城市如何进一步发展,提升内涵与质量?文化动力模式作为一种新的发展路径,是对该问题的学术回应。文化动力中的“文化”,并不是指那种模糊的、抽象的、无所不包的文化,而是指那些与本地居民生活息息相关的生活文化设施、多样性组织、各种文化实践等构成的城市场景,以及场景中隐藏的自我表达、超凡魅力和时尚等价值观与生活方式。这些因素能对创意阶层产生吸引作用,并影响该群体的城市流动和新兴公司选址等。从这个角度来说,文化动力模式作为一种全新思维,重塑着城市发展与转型的后工业路径。 相似文献
120.
Jean-Michel Lafleur 《Democratization》2015,22(5):840-860
Today, a large majority of states allow at least some of their emigrants to take part in home country elections from abroad. This article first looks at the diffusion of external voting laws and shows that over the past 25 years they have become widely-adopted and are no longer limited to specific professional categories of citizens. Second, the article explains the international diffusion of external voting by discussing the “norm-internationalization hypothesis” and the “electoral-competition hypothesis.” Third, the article attempts to demonstrate that these hypotheses cannot explain why, in a democratic context, states continue to implement a series of hurdles that deter emigrants from using their newly gained rights. Looking at recent developments in Latin America and the Middle East and North Africa, it concludes that the diffusion and variations of external voting laws result from transnational negotiation processes in a context of democratic transformation among various actors whose interests are strongly affected by the inclusion or exclusion of these new voters. 相似文献