五六十年代党在社会主义建设问题上的艰难探索

自新中国成立以后,中共党内对建设问题的较大分歧,首次表现在1956年前后的冒进和反冒进问题上,进而在对当时我国形势的困难程度以及社会发展动力的认识上,又产生较大分歧,这对我国社会的发展产生了很大的影响.这一历史教训告诉我们要建设好社会主义国家,就必须坚持从实际出发,理论联系实际的马克思主义路线.     

中产阶级与市民社会和民主化──东南亚中产阶级兴起及其影响探析

本文通过社会学的角度对东南亚中产阶级存在现状进行分析考察，认为伴随着东南亚国家经济的迅速发展，这些国家的社会结构也发生了极大的变化，主要表现为中产阶级力量的发展壮大，这一变化促进了东南亚国家市民社会的发展。他们逐渐在政治上具有了一定的表现要求和能力，要求社会更加民主化。现阶段主要表现为各种非政府组织（ＮＧＯ）崛起，这推动了社会民主化进程向更高层次发展，但是由于东南亚中产阶级力量弱小和自身局限以及政府、传统政治文化影响，决定了东南亚国家民主化发展进程将是一个长期、渐进的发展历程。     

我国理论界社会分层理论的历史演进

建国后,我国社会分层的理论研究经历了五个阶段。新中国成立至1957年是阶级分层阶段;1957－1978年是政治分层阶级;1978至80年代中期,政治分层又向“客观的阶级结构”回归;80年代中期至90年代初,我国社会出现了贫富差距的大讨论,90年代至今,我国分层研究分析模型具有了明显的多元化趋势。     

Social Support: A Mediator between Child Maltreatment and Developmental Outcomes

The purpose of the current study was to investigate the relationship between child maltreatment, social support, and developmental outcomes in first-year college students. Participants were 202 undergraduate students (137 female, 65 male) who completed surveys at two time points: once before entering college and once during their first year of college. It was hypothesized that child maltreatment would predict poorer developmental outcomes in adolescence and early adulthood, but that social support would mediate this relationship. Results indicated that child maltreatment related negatively to developmental outcomes and to perceived social support; adolescent and young adult development related positively to perceived social support. In addition, a mediational model in which social support mediates child maltreatment and developmental outcomes was supported.

Does China’s middle class think and act democratically? Attitudinal and behavioral orientations toward urban self-government

In the West, the middle class has been considered a potent agent of the sociopolitical transition toward democracy and the cornerstone of democratic rule. Does a middle class in China think and act democratically and hence serve as the harbinger of democratic change in that country? This study attempts to answer this critical question by examining the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of middle-class individuals toward grassroots self-government in urban China. It is based on data collected from a representative-sample survey conducted in Beijing. The findings indicate that China’s middle class expects grassroots self-government to be formed in a democratic way; yet the middle class is critical of the currently-implemented self-government system because it is not organized as democratically as they expect, and therefore the middle class is less likely to participate in the system. These findings have significant implications for the role of the Chinese middle class in the democratization of China.     

提高高校课堂教学质量需引进网络教学评估

采用现代化管理手段,科学评价教师课堂教学质量,是实现教学科学管理、提高教学质量的有力措施。在深入研究当前课堂教学质量评估状况的基础上,引进网络教学质量评估可以提供师生交流的网络平台,提供多层次的评估指标体系,提供富有人情味儿的结果反馈。     

Culture Wars,Secular Realignment,and the Gender Gap in Party Identification

Changes in the U.S. partisan balance over the past decade are often attributed to the enhanced political salience of cultural issues. Yet as white men have continued to become more Republican in recent years, white women increasingly identify with the Democrats. To the extent that cultural issues are influencing this partisan change, men and women must be responding differently to this cultural agenda. Using a pooled ANES data set from 1988 through 2000, I explore the extent to which cultural values are responsible for this gender realignment. Findings suggest that salient cultural issues influence the partisan choices of both men and women, however in somewhat different ways. For women, the issues themselves—reproductive rights, female equality, and legal protection for homosexuals—have become increasingly important determinants of party identification. For men, the influence of cultural conflict on partisanship is argued to be equally pervasive, albeit less direct.     

Parental Socialization and Rational Party Identification

This article constructs a rational choice model of the intergenerational transmission of party identification. At a given time, identification with a party is the estimate of average future benefits from candidates of that party. Experienced voters constantly update this expectation using political events since the last realignment to predict the future in accordance with Bayes Rule. New voters, however, have no experience of their own. In Bayesian terms, they need prior beliefs. It turns out that under certain specified conditions, these young voters should rationally choose to employ parental experience to help orient themselves to politics. The resulting model predicts several well–known features of political socialization, including the strong correlation between parents' and children's partisanship, the greater partisan independence of young voters, and the tendency of partisan alignments to decay.     

超越“劳动二分法”：平台用工法律调整的基本立场

平台用工是一个宽泛的概念,具有劳动法讨论意义的是组织型平台,包括基于劳动合同的模式和非基于劳动合同的模式,后者是法律关系定性争论的对象。此种非基于劳动合同的平台用工模式不同于常规劳动关系,在劳动过程中同时存在一定程度的平台控制与劳务提供者自主,不符合现有从属性标准,不成立劳动关系,在现行法中属于民事非典型合同中的混合合同。此种平台用工在当前"从属性劳动—独立性劳动"构成的"劳动二分法"框架下不能实现有效调整,给予劳务提供者的权益保障不足。问题的成因在于劳务提供者的学理定位是"类雇员",此种平台用工的本质是承揽合同社会化,属于"劳动二分法"下的制度空白地带。因此,应根据此种平台用工中劳务提供者的社会保护必要性,构建介于民法与劳动法之间的"类雇员"规范体系,推动法律对社会劳务给付的调整框架从"劳动二分法"向"劳动三分法"转型。     

Precarity,Cognitive (Non-)Resistance and the Conservative Working Class in China

ABSTRACT

Workers’ resistance is crucial to understanding how the working class respond to the growing labour precarity in post-socialist China. The labour studies literature posits that inequality and volatile capital movements increase workers’ precarity and lead to stronger labour resistance, such as strikes. However, workers’ cognition as an integral part of resistance has been rarely studied. This article examines cognitive resistance by Chinese workers from different tier cities by looking at their social trust, class identity, understanding of policies and class solidarity. Despite capital movements and precarity causing more labour unrest, it does not necessarily lead to a stronger cognitive resistance. While inequality and precarity are greater in the more developed megacities with a shifting capital favourability, workers in megacities display a more conservative cognitive resistance than those from the lower-tier cities. This study of workers’ cognitive resistance provides insight into the future of the Chinese labour movement. It argues that the working class’s current cognitive non-resistance suggests that even if a window of opportunity were to appear in the wall of state oppression, workers are not cognitively prepared to coalesce into a coherent social movement that would bring about transformative changes.