全文获取类型
收费全文 | 461篇 |
免费 | 2篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 31篇 |
工人农民 | 11篇 |
世界政治 | 59篇 |
外交国际关系 | 40篇 |
法律 | 48篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 262篇 |
综合类 | 8篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 35篇 |
2023年 | 74篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 25篇 |
2020年 | 61篇 |
2019年 | 82篇 |
2018年 | 59篇 |
2017年 | 21篇 |
2016年 | 8篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 10篇 |
2013年 | 25篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 2篇 |
2010年 | 1篇 |
2009年 | 2篇 |
2008年 | 6篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 4篇 |
2004年 | 5篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有463条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
201.
Christine Quinan 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(3):256-269
Through an analysis of Simone de Beauvoir's final novel Les Belles Images (1966), this article examines how a 1960s French technocratic class dealt with individual and collective traumas, particularly how they placed their faith in an undying hope in the future while simultaneously ignoring the horrors of wartime violence. The article contends that Beauvoir's novel is a story of not remembering—or, more specifically, attempting to forget—Algeria and all the conflict signified to the average French citizen, including decolonization, torture, racial difference and political tumult. Analysis rests on the novel's representation of its protagonist Laurence, who had been shaken to the core after reading a newspaper article about a (likely Algerian) woman tortured to death, ultimately causing a nervous breakdown that forever altered her interactions with her family and fellow technocrats. Gender and nationality also figure centrally in this examination of the broader role that images—not only belles images—played in the construction of French national identity at this historical moment. 相似文献
202.
J. C. Bernthal 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(1-2):40-56
The mystery writer Agatha Christie (1890–1976) has long been understood as a best-seller who could negotiate the demands of the marketplace, but who never tried to engage with political or social issues. Formulaic, linguistically simple and dependent on stereotypes, her books have a reputation as ‘animated algebra’—retreats from reality. This essay rethinks Christie's political significance, with reference to selected texts published during the Second World War. During the crucial war years, Christie published murder mysteries prolifically, mostly set in country houses or holiday resorts. Apparently escapist settings, however, gave her space to explore problems facing women at a time when men had been displaced to the battlefield. The majority of Christie's victims in these texts are women and, more than usual, the plots revolve around identifying or misidentifying corpses. In the two novels explored here—Evil Under the Sun (1941) and The Body in the Library (1942)—Christie considers women as victims in commercial and domestic narratives. In both cases, women trade identities with each other in death: for example, a schoolgirl dresses up for a Hollywood screen test, only to be killed, her body swapped with a glamorous dancer's to obscure the time of death. In life and in death, characters read women as combinations of bodies and cosmetics. Far from avoiding reality, Christie engaged with concerns of the day. Her detective fiction rarely references war directly, but there is a running commentary on domestic and commercial spheres, and women's roles, as victims, within these. 相似文献
203.
Bonnie Campbell 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(2):285-306
This article focuses on migrant children in West Africa in contexts where independent migrations during childhood constitute the norm rather than the exception. The article examines how the relative age and gender of a child influence his/her trajectory. It is based on the biographies of two young domestic workers – a girl in Côte-d’Ivoire and a boy in Burkina Faso. In describing their trajectories during the first eight to ten years of their migration to the city, this article shows that ideas surrounding age-appropriate work and the acquisition of new skills allow both girls and boys to increasingly exercise more power over their own lives. From these detailed trajectories it becomes clear that the dominant institutional categories, on the one hand, mask the diversity of activities of these very young migrants. On the other hand, they conceal the diachronic changes that take place in the course of their migratory work experience. 相似文献
204.
Mamadou Diawara 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(3):445-461
One asks oneself vigorously about the conditions of the construction of knowledge relative to the African continent as well as to its way of thinking. The influence of V.Y. Mudimbe in this regard is immense. The major categories of anthropology are examined, even called into question, and most notably the ethnic groups. As pertinent as they may be, these analyses return to the library and to the system of representation that the continent invents and raise it to a paradigm of difference par excellence. It is important, beyond the scholarly discourse, to take a look at the relationship of ordinary people with libraries. Broadcasters, for example, comment candidly on the work of one artist-musician or another. Appropriation implies the related right: “droit d'auteur(e)”, copyright or “Urheberrecht”. Anyone who fails to comply becomes a pirate. What, therefore, is the meaning of to modernise the author, the work, the copyright or the pirate not in language inherited from Western law but in that of the citizen or the average villager? 相似文献
205.
Jannie Lilja 《Negotiation Journal》2011,27(3):311-342
This article explores what strategies rebels use to prepare their ethnic community for negotiated peace. Proposed strategies are distilled from relevant theory and systematically investigated in case analyses of peace negotiations in Sri Lanka, Indonesian Aceh, and Senegal. The empirical findings indicate that although a coercive military capacity underpinned claims to ethnic representation, coercion did not dominate during the prenegotiation phase. During negotiations, noncoercive persuasion, as well as collective and selective incentives, clearly dominated. Moreover, the most important measures were internal to the negotiating rebel group. The successful rebel negotiator appeared to “mobilize in reverse” by initially targeting the core of military leaders followed by competitor groups and constituents. The article systematically examines across cases what measures rebel negotiators have used to “ripen” their own community, how these measures have been sequenced, and against whom they have been directed. The findings have important implications for the concepts of ripeness and prenegotiation and their requirements. The study underscores in particular the relevance of rebels' nonviolent commitment signals, something that has been largely overlooked in the research on nonstate armed actors. The policy implications suggest the possible benefits of third‐party assistance to efforts to promote communication, public outreach, and procedural transparency on the nonstate side in connection with peace talks. 相似文献
206.
Laurence Marfaing 《Canadian journal of African studies》2014,48(1):41-57
In West Africa, where the available natural and financial resources are not always sufficient to support a family for a whole year, mobility has become a strategy for accessing the resources of the region as a whole. Daily life is based on a mixed sedentary and mobile logic which responds to opportunities at greater or lesser distances, for longer or shorter periods of time, and with greater or lesser regularity of movement, and which enables survival or a better livelihood to be secured. Mobility requires mobilisation – of social networks, individual capacities and sociabilities, elements we can also refer to as resources, only this time social resources. This article explores the notion of resources and its connotations to show how populations in the West African Sahelian space seek a balance of survival and livelihood through mobility. 相似文献
207.
Ben Cousins 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(4):893-908
The Commission on the Legal Empowerment of the Poor (CLEP) was established by the United Nations in 2005 and concluded in 2008. Although inspired by Hernando de Soto's analysis of the role of property rights in economic development, the scope of the Commission was defined as ‘legal empowerment’ in general. This commentary offers a critique of the CLEP report, and argues that its underlying assumptions rest on an idealised version of liberal democratic capitalism in which a dynamic market economy assures ‘win-win’ solutions for all. This implies that there are no tensions between the four ‘pillars’ of legal empowerment identified by CLEP (the rule of law, property rights, labour rights, and business rights). However, in the real world of capitalism, in both democratic and authoritarian versions, there are structural tensions between classes of capital and classes of labour, which result in the economy and its underlying institutional order becoming a key site of contestation. The case of farm labour in rural South Africa is used to illustrate this argument. A focus on legal rights can, however, be ‘empowering’ to a degree, when it helps defend poor people from exploitation and abuse, or is located within broader strategies to eradicate systemic poverty. 相似文献
208.
The impact of environmental regulation on the competitiveness of firms and industries remains a hot topic. Since the formulation of the Porter hypothesis, scholars from different research areas have tried to confirm or deny it. However, despite a vast literature engaging this debate, it remains unclear whether and under what conditions the hypothesis could be considered valid. We believe that this is due to the need to consider some additional factors. The aim of this review is to propose additional and significant themes, namely value appropriation and pollution intensity, to be considered when examining the impact of environmental regulation on the innovation and profitability of firms. Results show that the validity of the Porter hypothesis cannot be proved in any condition, but at the same time, there are additional factors that have a relevant influence on that construct, which can lead to a validation or rejection of the hypothesis. 相似文献
209.
Increasingly severe wildfires have focused attention on forested watershed vulnerabilities, causing significant changes to policies and governance. We utilized the Multiple Streams Approach (MSA) to understand institutional innovations of federal agency–large water provider partnerships in Colorado to protect watersheds through joint planning and funding. Ambiguous problem definition and focusing events were significant aspects of these partnerships. We interviewed individuals in the partnerships, with MSA ideas of how solutions to policy problems develop, and the role of policy entrepreneurs. We found that wildfires served as focusing events, creating space and time for learning, collaboration and new problem framing, increased political attention, and institutional innovation. In this study, windows of opportunity stayed open longer, policy entrepreneurs and agencies played larger roles in communication and coupling streams and the context of fast‐moving, unpredictable ecological crises changed responses to issues. Our findings also have implications for broader policy studies and environmental governance scholarship. 相似文献
210.
Hossein Shirazi;Valiallah Vahdaninia;Ali Maleki; 《政策研究评论》2024,41(3):471-490
Public emergencies are focal events that present possibilities for policy changes. This study aims to explain policy insights on policy change in Iran through analyzing how the Iranian government's policy toward the long-awaited e-authentication finally changed in the wake of the outbreak of COVID-19. Due to the policy context of Iran, it uses the Multiple Stream Model, in which three streams were identified: problem, policy, and political dynamics. The paper contends that while the second stream existed prior to the pandemic, the first one had not yet been appropriately recognized by the government. Furthermore, it identifies the political stream as the third missing link for policy change. With the spread of coronavirus, these three streams converged, thus opening a window of opportunity for enacting this policy change. Two main reasons behind the emergence of this opening are identified: first, arising a new complex problem (COVID-19) that necessitated new initiatives, and second, growing public anxiety about the pandemic. Iran's desperate circumstances, which included an already severely depressed economy as the result of sanctions, were further exacerbated through the socio-economic repercussions of the pandemic. Furthermore, the growing demand from prospective traders to register for the stock exchange during the lockdown prompted officials to make a realistic decision. As a result, barriers to e-authentication were overcome and policy change happened. The paper highlights the security perspective as a necessary condition for policy change in Iran. Finally, it discusses the likelihood of permanency of the change. 相似文献