“中华民国第二共和宪法草案”评析

2007年3月,陈明通等人抛出"中华民国第二共和宪法草案",该草案是落实陈水扁"法理台独"指示的版本,是贯彻李登辉"两国论"的表现,是试图向统独各方压力妥协的产物。社会各界对该草案都不满意,是不可能实现的方案。     

Exhibiting the collections of the Spanish Crown and nobility for the nation: the Count of Valencia de Don Juan and the 1892 European historical exhibition

This article focuses on the place and role accorded to the collections of the Spanish Crown and nobility at the Exposición Histórico-Europea organized in Madrid in 1892. It sets the exhibition in the political and cultural context of the Fourth Centenary of the Discovery of America and analyses the role of Juan Crooke y Navarrot, the Count of Valencia de Don Juan to understand how royal and aristocratic collections were instrumentalized in a bid to assert the place of the Spanish monarchy on the European and international scene and strengthen its prestige. Commissioner of Crown property, the Count of Valencia de Don Juan was one of the members of the nobility who exhibited their collections to the public. Therefore, his investment in the organization of the exhibition, as a non-professional curator, helps understand what the event meant for Spanish nobility. This enables us to gauge what role such exhibiting played in the construction of the national heritage and art historiography of Spain.     

委内瑞拉利益集团与政治变迁

利益集团是政治变迁中重要的政治行为体之一。作为委内瑞拉传统的利益集团,工人联合会与商会联合会的发展在制度的长期作用下形成了独特的路径依赖。特别是自1958年菲霍角体系建立以后,两大利益集团通过咨询委员会与分权公共管理部门的设置充分参与整个决策过程。由于利益集团自身强大的实力以及总统、行政机关、国会等其他行为体的角色设定,利益集团在决策过程中起到举足轻重的作用。两大利益集团在此过程中与政府、政党、公民社会的紧密联系促进了利益表达机制的高效性。但随着20世纪80年代委内瑞拉经济的衰退,利益集团与政府、政党、公民社会之间的关系逐渐恶化,原有的利益表达机制受到破坏。利益表达渠道受阻引起了公民社会的不满与抗议,社会矛盾与政治冲突加剧,进而对20世纪80年代的政治危机与经济危机的爆发产生重大影响。在全面危机爆发之后,委内瑞拉以菲霍角协议为基础的政治协商体系瓦解,以查韦斯为代表的左翼政党开始登上政治舞台,委内瑞拉政治进程进入新阶段。     

Faire la paix au Mali: les limites de l’acharnement contre-terroriste

RÉSUMÉ

L’intervention internationale au Mali est conduite sur la base d’un cadre conceptuel douteux et d’une grille d’analyse peu rigoureuse, soit la thèse de la menace terroriste. Un dispositif militaire impressionnant a ainsi été mobilisé pour contrer cette menace. Nous soutenons que l’importance et la centralité accordées aux efforts contre-terroristes sapent les efforts de résolution des conflits maliens. Face aux critiques concernant le contre-terrorisme, la réponse a été de redoubler d’efforts, via la création d’une force conjointe du G5 Sahel et une présence militaire étrangère en croissance au Sahel-Sahara. Le Mali se retrouve ainsi au centre des débats sur l’avenir du maintien de la paix et des interventions militaires internationales. Au final, le résultat est une posture de guerre perpétuelle qui est perçue comme nécessaire pour concevoir tout espoir de paix et de réconciliation.     

宗教改革时期西方女性生存状况研究

波伏娃对早期现代阶段的女性命运研究聚焦于法国,对宗教改革对于女性命运的影响基本没有关注。这场思想改革运动在很大程度上取消了女性受教育的权利,固化了她们在社会和家庭生活中的弱势地位。作为一场范围广阔、影响深远的思想革新运动,宗教改革确立的女性形象影响了她们几个世纪的生活,它所崇尚的个人主义、人文精神都没有能够在女性命运中得到充分体现。     

Ripening Within? Strategies Used by Rebel Negotiators to End Ethnic War

This article explores what strategies rebels use to prepare their ethnic community for negotiated peace. Proposed strategies are distilled from relevant theory and systematically investigated in case analyses of peace negotiations in Sri Lanka, Indonesian Aceh, and Senegal. The empirical findings indicate that although a coercive military capacity underpinned claims to ethnic representation, coercion did not dominate during the prenegotiation phase. During negotiations, noncoercive persuasion, as well as collective and selective incentives, clearly dominated. Moreover, the most important measures were internal to the negotiating rebel group. The successful rebel negotiator appeared to “mobilize in reverse” by initially targeting the core of military leaders followed by competitor groups and constituents. The article systematically examines across cases what measures rebel negotiators have used to “ripen” their own community, how these measures have been sequenced, and against whom they have been directed. The findings have important implications for the concepts of ripeness and prenegotiation and their requirements. The study underscores in particular the relevance of rebels' nonviolent commitment signals, something that has been largely overlooked in the research on nonstate armed actors. The policy implications suggest the possible benefits of third‐party assistance to efforts to promote communication, public outreach, and procedural transparency on the nonstate side in connection with peace talks.     

‘The clash of races’ and ‘the Jewish intelligence’: a specifically French form of social antisemitism

The phenomenon of ‘social antisemitism’ is well known. By the beginning of the twentieth century, however, an idiosyncratic variant had emerged in France. Where, elsewhere, social antisemitism tended to be ingrained and unthinking, this French variant was (typically) more theoretical, and its practitioners tended to be among the most prominent authors and thinkers. It stressed the essential cultural differences between the ‘French’ and the ‘Israelites’, and the ‘separateness’ of the Jews within France, and also developed a series of facile generalizations about the essentially inferior nature of the Jewish intellect. Griffiths examines this phenomenon, both for its characteristics and for its widespread existence in French intellectual circles, by taking a specific subject: the reception of Lacretelle’s 1922 novel Silbermann. A wide range of writers and critics—a number of whom had in other circumstances a reputation for liberal values and attitudes, and had been among those who had deplored the excesses of the antisemitic mob during the Dreyfus affair—are found to echo the views put forward by Lacretelle in that novel, and even to elaborate on them. Many of these writers were to adopt a completely different attitude towards the Jews after the Second World War; when the position of the Jews was fully realized, their earlier ‘social antisemitism’ proved less powerful than their human sympathies. But this is not to devalue the importance of the danger posed by social antisemitism, which could provide the basis for far more virulent forms of racism to flourish.     

Transnationalism and the French Nouvelle Droite

ABSTRACT

Born in 1968, the French Nouvelle Droite (ND) is a ‘cultural school of thought’. It created a sophisticated European-wide political culture of the revolutionary right in an anti-fascist age; it helped to nurture the discourse of ‘political correctness’ among extreme right-wing political parties, and turned former French ultra-nationalists into pan-Europeanists seeking to smash the egalitarian heritage of 1789. Bar-On argues that the ND world-view has been shaped by transnational influences and that the ND has, in turn, shaped a decidedly more right-wing political culture in Europe in a transnational spirit. The transnational impact of ND ideas is a product of three key factors: first, the intellectual output and prestige of ND leader Alain de Benoist; second, the ‘right-wing Gramscianism’ of the ND's pan-European project that mimicked earlier attempts to unite interwar fascists and post-war neo-fascists into the revolutionary right; and, finally, the political space opened up by the decline of the European left after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Bar-On concludes by considering the influence of the ND on contemporary European politics, as well as the implications for the struggles against racism and the extreme right.     

Revitalizing and de-territorializing fascism in the 1950s: the extreme right in France and Italy,and the pan-national (‘European’) imaginary

ABSTRACT

In this article Mammone explores a still relatively neglected story in the history of post-war neo-fascism, notably the attempts by some French and Italian right-wing extremists to revitalize fascist ideology after the war by means of two interconnected strategies, namely, radicalization (rejection of the democratic system) and ‘de-territorialization’ (in the sense of converting narrow fascist nationalism into pan-European nationalism). Mammone describes these project(s), as well as the influence of thinkers such as Julius Evola and Maurice Bardèche, and their location in the wider ideological context of the extreme right in the 1950s. The immediate outcome of this ‘de-territorialized fascism’ was the creation of an extreme-right international association, the Mouvement Social Européen, in which French and Italian activists played a central role. Mammone breaks new ground regarding the non-national dimension of extreme-right thought, a topic too often studied within the boundaries of a given geographical territory and nationalist ideological landscape. By utilizing a transnational framework, he also shows the continuous connections and interactions between the Italian and the French extreme rights.