Therapists’ perceptions of the therapeutic alliance in “Mandatory” therapy with sex offenders

ABSTRACT

Research suggests that the therapeutic alliance (TA) plays an important part in successful therapy. The pantheoretical concept of the alliance (Bordin, 1979) assumes a client seeks to make a change and joins the therapist in a willing journey. However, treatment with sex offenders can entail various levels of coercion. Little is known about the process of the TA in therapy with sex offenders whose therapy could be seen as coerced or mandated. Thus, the aim of this research was to explore therapists’ perceptions of the TA with sex offenders whose therapy could be seen as “mandated” because it was part of their plan for release/rehabilitation. Eleven therapists were interviewed about their experiences and a qualitative thematic analysis elicited five themes: dynamics of forced work, explicit terms of working, persuasive encouragement to engage, connecting with the human element and preservation and protection. Implications for practice are discussed alongside recommendations for future research.     

国内武装冲突的域外情境：策略互动视角

内战中的反政府武装跨越国境开展抵抗行动将威胁区域安全。内部冲突的外部化成为目前国际安全领域研究的热点。针对与之相关的内战的域外情境,此文建立博弈模型分析内战当事国、跨境行动的反政府武装及其接收国之间的策略互动模式。当越境散逸的武装分子与接收国之间的实际关系存在信息不对称时,策略互动将给当事国内部武装冲突局势和两国关系带来多种可能的结果。当事国内部冲突风险和国家间冲突风险至少受到三方面影响。第一,接收国影响武装分子行动的能力。第二,当事国阻止叛乱受到接收国资助的行动强度。第三,两国之间的相互依赖程度等方面影响。一国内部冲突与政府间摩擦之间的关联性将为区域安全机制的调停或维和举措带来额外挑战。国际社会在应对冲突威胁的行动中需要精确识别内战外部化问题的具体策略环境,从而为推动各方达成长效和平方案做出实际贡献。     

Who are the targets of familial electoral coercion? Evidence from Turkey

The unfettered expression of electoral choice is an important democratic right; however, in many contexts voters are pressured by others to cast their votes in certain ways. Electoral coercion is a topic that has received increased attention from researchers in recent years as part of the wave of research on electoral violence, yet there is little consensus in the literature as to who the targets of coercion are most likely to be. This article uses a list experiment embedded in a survey fielded following the Turkish general election of 2018 to identify the targets of coercive electoral practices within families and among close friends. The analysis reveals familial electoral coercion to be strongly conditioned by partisanship and disadvantaged demographic characteristics, but finds no evidence that women are more likely than men to be coerced.     

论可撤销合同的法律形式

法律必然要适应社会经济的发展,我国合同法也必然随着我国社会主义市场经济的发展而不断演变,因此,必须对合同法中各项制度加以完善,特别是对可撤销合同的完善。本文通过对可撤销合同的法律形式的研究,进而探讨可撤销合同中存在的相关问题。不仅对合同当事人在合同实践中做出正确的合同行为具有指导意义,而且有利于法院和仲裁机构在审理合同纠纷案件时,做出正确的判决或裁决。     

行政强制救济若干理论问题探析

学理概念行政强制与法律概念行政强制措施不配套。从定义要求、语词构造以及法理分析,行政强制权属于行政权范畴,行政强制则包括行政执行强制和行政即时强制。与强制执行不同的是,行政强制属于行政模式,而非司法主导的混合模式。在宪法上界定行政与司法的分野,结合我国实际并借鉴域外经验对行政强制进行统一立法是行政强制救济的前提与基础。在合作行政时代,行政强制法制化的事前和事中救济过程比事后救济更为重要。     

The relationship between adverse childhood experiences,coping using sex,and adult sexual coercion in non-incarcerated,community-based females

ABSTRACT

Adverse childhood experiences have been associated with negative outcomes in adulthood, including sexual offending. Using a cross-sectional design, we investigated whether self-reported adverse childhood experiences related to the perpetration of coercive sexual acts among 250 females recruited from the community. Furthermore, we examined whether sexualised coping mediated any potential relationship between childhood experiences and sexual coercion. A Spearman’s rank order correlation revealed no relationship between adverse childhood experiences and sexual coercion. However, adverse childhood experiences were significantly correlated with sexualised coping, which in turn was correlated with sexual coercion. Additionally, there was a significant but small indirect effect of adverse childhood experiences on sexual coercion through sexualised coping. Findings may help researchers to better understand the causal relationship between childhood experiences, sexual coping, and sexual coercion in females.     

Coercion,competence, and consent in offenders with personality disorder

Competence to consent to treatment has not previously been examined in a personality disorder cohort without comorbid mental disorder. We examined competence and coercion in 174 individuals diagnosed with severe personality disorder using two validated tools (the MacArthur Competence Assessment Tool for Treatment and the MacArthur Coercion Assessment Scale – Short Form). Competence was not categorically impaired, but there were variations within the sample on dimensional competence measures. Further, there were significant negative correlations between experienced coercion and competence. Higher coercion scores were associated with two components of competence: lower understanding and reasoning. Patients who consented to treatment had higher scores on competence measures and experienced less coercion. These findings suggest that therapeutic approaches that decrease experienced coercion and increase competence may increase the engagement of individuals diagnosed with severe personality disorders in treatment.     

覆盖与节制:一个有关“审判阴影”的悖论

当事人之间的合意是以自治为目标的调解正当化的首要原理。在现实实践中,纯粹的合意取得面临诸多障碍,合意贫困化的现象在各种调解模式中都有可能产生。在当事人自主交涉的场合,力量的不均衡和信息的不对称导致交涉中恣意的蔓延,以审判阴影覆盖交涉过程、围绕法律判断凝炼合意以抑制其中的恣意因素成为必要。审判阴影覆盖的路径可以划分为一般路径和特别路径。特别路径的审判阴影的覆盖在抑制恣意的同时又可能损害自律这一调解本质属性,反过来又成为另一形式的合意贫困化生成的契机。审判阴影也要有所节制。调解这一难解悖论提醒我们,无论是审判阴影的传递亦或是审判阴影的抑制与自我收缩,都应该也只能将提高当事人的自治能力奉为圭臬。     

U.S.Deterrence and Coercive Diplomacy and China's Coping Strategy

Deterrence and coercion are two kinds of strategies,the latter being more aggressive than the former.The U.S.Asia-Pacific Rebalancing strategy is an important diplomatic legacy of Obama's administration.For the issues involving the Diaoyu Islands,the South China Sea,cyber security,DPRK's nuclear program,and Iran's nuclear program,the U.S.has carded out military deterrence and non-force coercion against China.But generally,these are low-level coercive measures and distinct from the severe economic sanction and diplomatic isolation imposed by the U.S.on Russia,Syria,DPRK and Iran in recent years.Concerning issues where the U.S.and China hold distinct views,there would be less strategic leeway for the two countries.If the U.S.is to strengthen deterrence and coercion towards China,China can respond more actively and effectively,but it will be more difficult to build a new model of China-U.S.major-country relationship.