和谐社会背景下的刑事司法功能解读

和谐社会建设已经成为我国社会发展的时代主题,和谐社会的构建离不开刑事司法的保障.刑事司法功能的全面发挥,必将有利于促进我国和谐社会建设的顺利进行.笔者在考察和谐社会与犯罪关系之后,对我国刑事司法功能进行了创造性解读.并在此基础上,对我国刑事司法功能运行进行了理性反思,分析刑事司法功能发挥之障碍,并提出应对之策,以促进刑事司法功能的全面实现.     

论民事抗诉对实现司法公正的价值

司法公正是社会主义法治内涵的核心价值,它直接关系到公民的人身、财产安全和社会的稳定与安宁.民事抗诉制度对于实现司法公正具有重要的价值,具体表现在:它能有效地监控法官的自由裁量权,有效地节省司法资源,克服司法地方化.正因如此,在我国目前条件下,民事抗诉制度只能不断完善与加强,决不能削弱,更不能废除.     

论契约自由原则的发展及其动因

“契约自由是合同法的灵魂和生命。”它发源于罗马法,确立于资本主义自由竞争时期。进入20世纪后,随着其产生之社会基础的变化．各国普遍对契约自由给予一定的规制,以实现实质意义上的契约公正。从契约自由原则的兴起、确立及现代社会对其的规制,宏观把握契约自由原则发展的历史进程,并洞见其发展动因。     

网络经济与网络政治

随着网络在全球的发展,网络经济和网络政治成为当前的一个热点.如何把握网络政治的脉搏、发展和利用网络政治成为当前需要迫切解决的问题.     

多极化的国际政治新格局和我国的新对策

冷战结束后,和平与发展是时代的主题,但是世界出现了“一超多强”的多极化政治新格局。因此,清醒认识当代国际政治格局走向,正确应对国际政治斗争的复杂形势,是争取持久世界和平的前提,是贯彻党的一系列战略部署和战略决策,形成我国在国际政治斗争中的主动地位的重要条件。     

浙江省不同组织类型私营企业发展的比较研究

近几年来,浙江私营经济出现了从初级的传统市场经济向高级的现代市场经济演变的生动画面,企业制度的发展呈现出从个体作坊、家庭工商业逐步向现代公司制企业发展的鲜明特点;企业的产权结构从比较封闭单一逐步走向开放和多元化;企业领导层构成逐步社会化、职业化;家庭成员居多的现象逐步减少,管理人员与技术人员开始较多地参与企业高层决策;企业开始注重建立自己的销售网络,建立独立或合作的研究开发机构。     

美国总统选举人团制度

总统选举入团制度是美国总统选举制度的重要组成部分.总统选举人团方案本身就是各种利益妥协的结果.经过二百多年的演变和发展,总统选举人团制度的内容和运行方式发生了诸多变化.迄今为止,它仍然是选举美国总统的重要机制,但存在许多缺陷和弊端.     

Food riots and the politics of provisions from early modern Europe and China to the food crisis of 2008

The food riots of 2007–2008 jolted authoritarian regimes and international agencies into action. The riots also began to crack neoliberal hegemony over the global food system. Food riots have often driven a politics of provisions, sometimes winning relief, sometimes merely bloody repression, depending on a particular country’s political economy. Such bargaining in the politics of provisions is made possible by existing networks – of solidarity among the common people and reciprocity between them and their rulers – that extend elements of ‘normal’ politics into crises. This paper explores how riotous extensions of such sociopolitical networks shaped food politics in early modern England and China, Famine Ireland, the ‘IMF (International Monetary Fund) austerity riots’ of the 1980s and 1990s, and the food riots of 2007–2008.     

Turkey and Russia in a shifting global order: cooperation,conflict and asymmetric interdependence in a turbulent region

The current global political economy is characterised by the intensifying economic interaction of BRICS and ‘near BRICS’ economies, with emerging powers increasing their influence in neighbouring regions. The growing partnership between Turkey and Russia constitutes a useful case study for examining this transformation, in which Western supremacy and US hegemony are under increasing challenge. Turkish–Russian relations shed light on broader themes in global political economy. First, significant economic interdependence may be generated among states with different political outlooks, in the form of loose regional integration schemes driven by bilateral relations between key states and supporting private actors or interests. Second, growing economic interdependence may coexist with continued political conflict and geopolitical rivalry, as indicated by the Syrian and Ukrainian crises. An important strategy that emerges is the tendency to compartmentalise economic issues and geopolitical rivalries in order to avoid negative spill-over effects. This facilitates the coexistence of extensive competition with deepening cooperation, as reflected in relations in the field of energy.     

Shifting linkages in ethnic mobilization: the case of RMDSZ and the Hungarians in Transylvania

The Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ) has been the most stable actor in the Romanian party system over the past two decades. However, in this article, we argue that beyond this apparent stability, the linkages between RMDSZ and its voters have undergone a gradual, yet significant shift. The ethnic block voting of Transylvanian Hungarians was closely connected to the concept of a self-standing and parallel “Minority Society,” and to the practices of institution building that the minority elites engaged in in the early 1990s. However, since its first participation in the Romanian government in 1996, RMDSZ has gradually departed from this strategy, a phenomenon that was also closely connected to a process of elite change within the organization. The present RMDSZ leadership puts less and less emphasis on policy programs that could reinforce the institutional system of the minority; consequently, it is unable (and unwilling) to organizationally integrate the community activists of the minority society who previously had played a key role in the process of (electoral) mobilization. At the rhetorical level, RMDSZ did not abandon the goal of building a parallel Hungarian minority society, but in its linkages to the Hungarian electorate, clientelistic exchanges have become predominant.