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201.
Scholars of electoral authoritarianism and comparative institutions have emphasized how authoritarian regimes implement multiparty elections to stabilize authoritarian rule and diffuse political opposition. Consequently, the literature has advised against the notion that multiparty elections constitute a general lever for democratization. This article presents evidence in support of a more positive understanding of multipartyism and democracy. We argue that multiparty elections create an institutional space for oppositional parties, instrumentally motivated to promote further positive democratic change. We hypothesize that multiparty regimes are (1) generally more likely to experience positive democratic change, and (2) more importantly, more likely to do so when faced by internal or external regime threats. We test these hypotheses using cross-section time-series data on 166 countries in the period 1973–2010. Our results show a general positive effect of multipartyism for democratic change, and that multiparty regimes are more likely to improve their levels of democracy when faced with demonstrations and economic crisis.  相似文献   
202.
Authoritarian regime datasets are an important tool for research in both comparative politics and international relations. Despite widespread use of these categorization schemes, very little attention has been paid to the quality of the judgements contained within them. Using the unambiguous case of Cambodia, this article demonstrates how leading datasets have failed to capture the manifest features of Hun Sen’s personalist dictatorship. This is demonstrated by the unconstrained and discretionary authority he wields across six domains of control. In addition to reclassifying Cambodia as a party-personalist regime, this article raises questions about the reliability of classification judgements for more opaque authoritarian regimes. The article has implications for existing and ongoing research into whether personalist dictatorships will undergo democratization, initiate interstate war, and commit repression.  相似文献   
203.
In contrast to the empirical conditions in large parts of the authoritarian world, the systematic literature on political opposition under authoritarianism either treats the opposition as a static entity or fails to comprehensively address its dynamic character. On the basis of a critical literature review and an ensuing analysis of the Joint Meeting Parties, a cross-ideological opposition alliance that gradually evolved to become the main competitor of the Salih regime in Yemen, we suggest that political opposition in electoral authoritarian regimes is an intrinsically dynamic institution in terms of its organizational shape, its goals and its modes of contestation. We also show that, while authoritarian structures do set the basic conditions defining opposition action, much of what motivates this action and contributes to opposition dynamism emerges from within the opposition. In addition, our findings on the Yemeni case suggest that opposition dynamism peaks when the strength of the opposition is nearly on par with that of the regime.  相似文献   
204.
Elections are in theory democratic means of resolving disputes and making collective decisions, yet too often force is employed to distort the electoral process. The post-Cold War increase in the number of electoral authoritarian and hybrid states has brought this problem into relief. In recent years the prevention of electoral violence has played an increasingly large role in the democratic assistance activities undertaken by international agencies, following increased awareness within the international community of the specific security challenges that elections entail. However, there has to date been little systematic evaluation of the success of different electoral violence prevention (EVP) strategies in reforming electoral institutions so as to enable them to maintain the peace during the electoral period. This article assesses the effectiveness of two common types of international EVP activity. Using a new global dataset of EVP strategies between 2003 and 2015, this article finds evidence that capacity-building strategies reduce violence by non-state actors, whereas attitude-transforming strategies are associated with a reduction in violence by state actors and their allies. The findings are relevant both for understanding the dynamics of electoral violence, and also for policymakers and electoral assistance providers in the international community who have responsibility for the design of democratic assistance projects in states at risk of electoral violence.  相似文献   
205.
我国加入WTO以后,参与国际竞争的范围增大、层次加深,面对国际强大的竞争对手和发达国家成熟的市场经济,我国正在发展中的市场经济的方方面面,将会带来更大的困难和挑战。因此,充分认识国际竞争力的内涵,了解我国国际竞争力的发展状况,对我国国际竞争力的优势和劣势进行分析,找出提升国际竞争力的对策,尽快树立竞争优势地位,成为我国急待解决的重要课题。  相似文献   
206.
竞价排名是一种搜索引擎商业化产物。我国法律对其没有相应的定性与规范,这导致搜索引擎商在竞价排名活动中利用法律漏洞滥用技术优势地位,恣意侵害网络用户权利,严重扰乱网络信息秩序,直接或者间接成为民事侵权的始作俑者和帮凶,竞价排名所引发的民事侵权行为有点击欺诈、强迫消费、帮助侵权,对此必须明确竞价排名的性质,从技术及法律上杜绝由于不规范使用竞价排名规则所产生的侵权行为。  相似文献   
207.
张淑钿 《时代法学》2006,4(2):117-120,F0003
同类产品的认定是正确实施国民待遇原则的前提。GATT边境税调整工作组报告提出了确定同类性的个案标准和四个具体因素,日本酒税案提出了手风琴理论。WTO争端解决机构通过若干判例表明,第3条第2款第1句的同类产品应从严解释,第2句的直接竞争或替代产品包括同类产品,第4款的同类产品应从宽解释。由此,同类产品的认定没有统一标准,WTO争端解决机构享有相当的自由裁量权,国民待遇原则正确适用的争议解决具有一定的不确定性。  相似文献   
208.
This article employs a comprehensive set of data on 226 regional legislative elections held in Russia in 1999–2011 in order to assess the impact of electoral authoritarianism upon women's representation in sub-national legislative bodies. The analysis of 50,520 cases of candidate nomination and 9553 cases of electoral success, supported by a cross-regional statistical study of the factors of women's nomination and success, empirically confirms an explanatory model that incorporates three working hypotheses derived from the mainstream literature on women's representation. According to this model, the 2002–2003 electoral reform, by introducing proportional representation into regional electoral systems, strongly facilitated women's representation. After the advent of electoral authoritarianism, proportional rules, in combination with the increased ‘party magnitude’ of the pro-government party, continued to exert expectedly positive effects; yet these effects were offset by the decreased competitiveness in majority districts. As a result, political regime transformation did not lead to a significant increase in the number of female deputies.  相似文献   
209.
ABSTRACT

With the rise of Trump support in rural Appalachia – the coal mining, mountainous region in the heartland of the eastern United States – media and other commentators have rushed to explain this conservative politics in ‘exceptionalist’ terms, largely based on cultural stereotypes. Revisiting my work on Power and Powerlessness in an Appalachian Valley (1980), I argue that the attention to ‘Trumpism’ fails to see or take into account the widespread rural resistance which exists in the region, historically and presently. A focus on the rise of place-based grassroots activism and scholarship in the region offers a more emancipatory view of rural politics.  相似文献   
210.
在十一届三中全会以来的29年中,吉林省没有明确"现代工业立省"(或"现代工业强省")的"核心发展战略"[1][2]。目前,国内迅速"产业集聚"和分工的趋势告诉我们:吉林省己经站在十字路口上,既有成为"现代工业省"的前景,也有成为"农业省"的可能。我们无论如何要实现前者,而不是后者。吉林省经济社会发展的基本矛盾是"世界现代工业化发展水平与吉林省工业化发展程度相对落后("工业化初期阶段"、"农业省"[3])的矛盾",解决这个基本矛盾的根本方法是确立"现代工业立省"(或"现代工业强省")的"核心发展战略",并贯彻在全省上下党和政府的一切决策和执行之中,以此凝聚全省干部和群众,加快实现现代工业化。同时建议,就"吉林省以什么立省"的问题进行一定范围的讨论。  相似文献   
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