加入WTO与我国经济发展中必须正确处理的几个关系--铭记东南亚金融危机的深刻教训

在加入WTO的新形式下 ,为更好地贯彻落实党的十六大明确提出的走新型工业化道路的重要方针 ,牢记东南亚金融危机的深刻教训 ,正确处理我国经济发展中的对外融资、产业结构调整以及政府、银行和企业关系等问题 ,对外融资必须处理好直接投资和短期融资的比例关系 ,增强国际竞争力必须处理好“产业升级换代”和“比较优势”的两重性关系 ,坚持“东亚模式” ,必须处理好政府、银行和企业的三角关系     

新加坡:权威主义,还是精英民主?

在新加坡的政党制度类型上,有些学者同意亨廷顿的观点,认为新加坡实行一党制,因此是权威主义国家.笔者不同意这种观点.本文从新加坡的政党制度是一党独大制入手进行研究,认为新加坡是有限民主国家,又由于新加坡在治国实践上奉行精英主义,因此认为它是精英民主国家.     

特色农业的增效增收之路——兴安县实施“新三个农业”战略的回顾与展望

“新三个农业”是兴安县委、政府为了优化农业区域布局，积极发展特色农业提出的“精品农业”、“礼品农业”、“工业农业”的简称。在农业产业化的实践中，兴安主要加速发展葡萄、白果、柑桔、毛竹、食用菌、甜玉米种植等支柱产业，积极扶持一村一品经济的发展，促进了龙头企业、协会组织、种养大户作为“精品农业、礼品农业、工业农业”主体地位的确立，走出一条标准化生产，规模化发展，品牌化经营和农户共同发展的特色农业的增效增收之路。     

经济全球化环境中的动态创新组织

在以日益复杂化且变化迅速为特征的新的经济全球化环境中 ,企业的生命力和持续竞争优势将越来越多地依赖于更有效、更快速的动态创新能力 ,成长快速的公司和市场领导者的成就 ,往往不是来自于低成本的“收获战略” ,而是善用知识的力量执著于持续创新的事业。     

国际大都市文化竞争力比较

本报告通过对城市要素等12项指标的国际比较,分析了上海在国际大都市文化竞争力所处的历史方位,指出了取得的成就、存在的不足,还据此提出了若干对策性建议。     

中国产业组织合理化道路探析

我国的产业整合是必须的,只有经过产业整合,才能建立一种合理的产业组织结构,进而提升我国产业的国际竞争力,最终在世界市场上占有一定份额,但这种整合必须符合实际,实现真正意义上的强强联合、优势互补、资源共享、共同发展。     

The political economy behind the gradual demise of democratic institutions in Serbia

ABSTRACT

This paper aims to accomplish two goals. First, to present recent empirical evidence supporting the claim that Serbia is on the path towards embracing a more radical version of electoral authoritarianism. This is accomplished by examining most recent illiberal politics aimed at controlling electoral processes and the media sphere, and extracting public funds for partisan purposes. I claim that the incomplete design of democratic institutions in Serbia set up between 2001 and 2012 is primarily responsible for the democratic decline. The second goal is more general and aims to emphasize the importance of extracting public funds for hybrid regimes. Extractive institutions matter because they directly impact other critical segments of electoral authoritarianism (notably, elections and media freedom), but also because they explain the type of leadership they promote in politics. If public resources remain without proper institutional oversight and are simply ‘up for grabs,’ this will attract leaders more willing to dismantle democratic institutions and violate democratic procedures. Serbia serves as a good and current example of this linkage.     

Paradoxes of electoral authoritarianism: the 2015 Ethiopian elections as hegemonic performance

The 2015 elections in Ethiopia had a predictable outcome, showing an entrenched system of one-party dominance that self-referentially enacts the political order created by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) since 1991. EPRDF spokespersons continued to defend the party’s hegemony as inevitable, grounded in a logic of technocratic authority and with reference to ‘stability’ and ‘development’. This paper describes the electoral process not in the light of democracy theory but of hegemonic governance theory. Elections seem to have lost relevance in Ethiopia as a means of political expression and are only important as a performance of hegemonic governance and as ‘global impression management’ – showing state skills in securing a smooth electoral process as a major organisational feat in itself. Contradictions that the political process creates between the Ethiopian party-state and domestic constituencies, and between the attitudes/policies of certain donor countries, are downplayed or avoided, but problematic in the long run.     

Internet control through ownership: the case of Russia

The Russian Internet remained relatively unregulated compared to the media sector as a whole until about 2012. One of the levers for increased control over the Internet was ownership, direct or indirect, of the most important infrastructure and websites. Control through ownership over the Russian Internet companies has increased, but in a finely calibrated fashion in order not to spark discontent and risk the formation of a social movement. The Internet’s global nature, however, has made it impossible to use the same methods against international companies. The Russian government has had to exert other forms of pressure, change legislation, or block entire social networks. Furthermore, increasing and more systematic control through ownership carries with it considerable long-term consequences and costs, both when it comes to the modernization of Russia and in terms of possible rising discontent if Internet users no longer accept that the repressive measures taken are in their interest.     

The institutionalization of relative advantage: formal institutions,subconstitutional presidential powers,and the rise of authoritarian politics in Russia, 1994–2012

What role do formal institutions play in the consolidation of authoritarian regimes such as the Russian Federation? Oftentimes, it is assumed that autocrats, usually potent presidents, wield informal powers and control far-flung patron–client networks that undermine formal institutions and bolster their rule. After the institutional turn in authoritarianism studies, elections, parties, legislatures, or courts have taken center stage, yet presidencies and public law are still on the margins of this research paradigm. This paper proposes a method for measuring subconstitutional presidential power and its change by federal law, decrees, and Constitutional Court rulings as well as a theoretical framework for explaining when and under which conditions subconstitutional presidential power expands. It is argued that as a result of a gradual, small-scale, and slow-moving process of layering, presidential powers have been accumulated over time. This furthers the institutionalization of presidential advantage toward other federal and regional institutions, which in turn contributes to the consolidation of authoritarianism.