刑事裁判共识引论

共识理论与刑事裁判在问题的起点与终点、解决认识问题的观念、基本要求等方面都有契合之处,表明将共识理论引入刑事裁判问题中是可行的。刑事裁判共识在主体、对象、程度与形成方法上都有其特殊性。传统价值理论的研究主要存在两个缺陷:一是视野局限;二是深度不够。刑事裁判共识理论与传统价值理论具有一致性,可以统一,但又有所超越,所以能够在一定程度上弥补传统价值理论的缺陷。然而,刑事裁判共识理论也与传统价值理论存在冲突,应当根据情况分别对待。     

侗族传统社会外部控制诸方式

大多数民族社会都会注重在成员个体因素之外寻求外在力量来控制个体的社会行为。通过设立某些组织、机构,制定规则、法律,充分利用社会舆论、民俗和习惯法的力量,引导或强迫社会个体遵守社会规范。借助这些外在力量控制社会成员的行为即为社会的外部控制。侗族传统社会外在控制诸方式主要有社会组织控制、社会舆论控制、风俗习惯控制和习惯法控制。     

超越主客观解释论:刑法解释标准研究

合理解释刑法是正确适用刑法的前提,因而探寻解释合理与否的标准构成刑法解释理论的核心。传统刑法解释理论的解释标准,无论是主观解释论的立法原意标准还是客观解释论的客观意思标准,都存在诸多缺陷,因此,必须根据以人为本的理念,从理解人本身的视角确立刑法解释的标准。在以人为本的理念下,刑法解释主体是具有多元价值观的解释者构成的解释共同体,刑法解释的标准是多元互动解释共同体通过对话协商获得的共识。制度化的对话协商可以通过求同存异的办法防止实质性价值冲突的激化,成为刑法解释及适用的合法性保障。     

经济法的“名”与“实”

中国经济法研究已近30年,一直是学说林立,混战不断,这种状态如果持续下去,对经济法的发展是十分不利的。经济法概念对经济法理论研究意义重大,中国的经济法学者应该首先在经济法的概念上达成共识(正其"名"),并以此来规范、引领经济法的研究,从而构建科学意义上的中国经济法体系(求其"实")。     

协动主义：诉讼与诉讼外纠纷解决机制关系定位——基于人民调解的制度规范与地方实践的分析

关于人民调解的规范文件贯彻了司法最终救济的理念,但由于各地方纠纷解决需要的差异,实践中形成的不同的诉讼外纠纷解决机制,模糊了诉讼与诉讼外纠纷解决机制的关系。构建一个功能互补的纠纷解决的生态系统,必须在确立司法权威的同时,按照解纷合意获得的不同样式,确定诉讼外纠纷解决机制与诉讼的程序协动关系。     

网络舆情引导与警察公共关系

网络舆论是社会舆论的放大器、思想文化信息的集散地和群体极化倾向的助推器。网络舆论给公安工作可能带来负面影响,引发严重的警察公共关系危机。公安机关要通过健全工作机制、加强网络监管、提高舆情研判能力、发挥"主场优势"、争抢舆论"旗帜"等方式对网络舆论进行有效引导。     

When governments ignore public opinion in foreign policy: Poland and the Iraq invasion

This article asks why the Government of Poland participated in the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 when a large majority of the Polish public was opposed to national involvement in Iraq. The aim is to further an understanding of the circumstances under which democratic governments ignore public opinion in their foreign policy decision-making. The article argues that a combination of three circumstances increased the willingness of the government to ignore the public. First, the Iraq issue had relatively low salience among the Polish voters, which decreased the domestic political risks of pursuing the policy. Second, the government's Iraq policy was supported by a considerable consensus among the political elite. Third, the political elites were unified in their perceptions that participating in the invasion would yield essential international gains for Poland.     

Political Consensus and Fiscal Outcomes

It is becoming difficult to maintain consensus in a period of economic austerity, and this possibly challenges the ability of democratic institutions to take decisions on tough economic questions. In order to find out how political consensus influences fiscal outcomes, this article sets out to analyse the association between political consensus and public expenditure growth. The results show that political consensus is positively associated with both budgeted and actual expenditure growth, but also negatively associated with budget overruns. This indicates that political consensus comes at a cost, while at the same time politicians may be better at sticking to budgets if political consensus exists. The analysis is based on a pooled regression analysis of the local governments in Denmark in the years 2008 and 2009 using a data set combining survey data with administrative data on the local governments.     

A Genealogy of Radical Islam

A genealogy of the radical ideas that underline al-Qaeda"s justification for violence shows that the development of jihadi thought over the past several decades is characterized by the erosion of critical constraints used to limit warfare and violence in classical Islam. This erosion is illustrated by the evolution of jihadi arguments related to apostasy and waging jihad at home, global jihad, civilian targeting, and suicide bombings.     

Namibia: Consensus institutions and majoritarian politics

This article assesses the utility of Arend Lijphart's classification scheme of democracies by means of a case study of Namibia. In particular, the article examines whether Namibia represents a case of consensus democracy, based on institutional criteria within the power-sharing and power-division dimensions, as developed in Lijphart's Patterns of Democracy (1999). The application of the ten criteria results in a mixed outcome, with an overall modal value of ‘moderately consensus’, a modal value of strongly majoritarian for the executive-parties dimension, and moderately consensus for the federal-executive dimension. The highly varied scores for each of the criteria, particularly within the first of Lijphart's two dimensions, present several problems. It is argued that the statistical modal value represents a distorted image of Namibian politics. Namibia scores consistently on the majoritarian side for criteria which conceptually concern the essence of the consensus modal. Moreover, apparent consensus features such as tripartite institutions, bicameralism, and a rigid constitution do not ‘behave’ as such due to one-party dominance, and neither does proportional representation produce consensus politics. Lijphart's criteria are too formal, and should not receive equal weight. The article concludes that power-sharing is better investigated by focusing on just two criteria, namely the party system and the strongly related criterion of government coalitions. Moreover, it is essential to examine political behaviour, in particular of governing elites, to look for the presence of cooperation and compromise, paradoxically issues which were more prominent in Lijphart's earlier work.