Silent citizens: reflections on community,habit, and the silent majority in political life

This article identifies two different senses in which the concept of ‘community’ can be seen to underpin the norm of vocal participation in democratic politics. The first is a broadly liberal view of community – traceable to Alexis de Tocqueville – that promotes active, vocal, and autonomous citizens and acts as a buffer between the state and the individual. A second broadly conservative view of community in the writings, for example, of Edmund Burke and T.S. Eliot treats community as organic, passive, and largely silent. It valorizes habit and habitual relationships as supporting political life through obedience to the law and respect for authority. While these two traditions stand apart, what is striking about both views of community is the one point about which both agree: citizens' sense of community is in decline within liberal democracies today. Thus silence and silent majorities are problematic to both traditions, albeit for different reasons.     

美国社会的维护者:李普塞特社会保守主义思想论析

李普塞特是美国著名的政治学家和社会学家,也是新保守主义阵营的领军人物。在社会领域,他的保守主义思想主要表现为四个方面:对新社会运动的批判、对美国社会文化价值体系的推崇、对工人阶级的警惕和对中产阶级的推崇、对美国社会权威危机的担忧。总的来看,他维护现行的美国社会秩序和文化价值体系,对破坏现行秩序和价值的因素进行了揭示和批判。     

The Geopolitical Imaginary of the Brazilian Ultra-Right

The strengthening of the ultra-right in the Brazilian political scenario has a certain geopolitical imagination as one of its centres. Its main authors, on the one hand, consider Latin America as something to be avoided, and, on the other hand, value the affinities between Brazil and the United States due to the idea of a mutual belonging to a Christian West. The present article explains the most current assumptions and arguments of this discourse after 2016, based on an analysis of the geopolitical imaginary of the Brazilian ultra-right. The text reconstructs three political languages of the field – the reactionary, the ultraliberal, and the authoritarian conservative, based on the analysis of four intellectual protagonists: Olavo de Carvalho, Ernesto Araújo, Paulo Guedes, and Eduardo Villas Bôas. Finally, we raise some hypotheses about the reasons for the longevity of some fundamental traits of this geopolitical imaginary in the Brazilian scenario.     

‘I,the people’: a deflationary interpretation of populism,Trump and the United States constitution

This paper advances a deflationary interpretation of populism, Donald Trump and the United States Constitution. It accepts that Trump utilizes a populist pose but rejects populism as too reductive for understanding his ascension and constitutional challenge. First, it argues that, although he merits the designation, Trump reveals more about populism than populism does about him. Trump illustrates populism’s conceptual elasticity, but employing it as a frame to understand him imposes coherence upon a figure whose monetized politics are chaotic, shallow and unanchored by principle. Second, populism provides a necessary but insufficient condition for critically explaining Trump’s ascension, either in terms of electoral populism or populism in power. Third, while democratic deconsolidation under Trump’s presidency cannot be discounted, the Constitution remains resilient in most important respects. A dispassionate constitutional sociology counsels a deflationary understanding rather than an uncritical alarmism that too frequently reproduces and reinforces the darker aspects of Trump’s populist political logic.     

论法的保守性

法的保守性逐渐被人们所认识 ,本文力图从历史、理论和现实的角度说明什么是法的保守性以及为什么法具有保守性。文章还分析了中国当代部分法学家的法律观念中的保守倾向     

新时期日本新保守主义的发展及对中日关系的影响

中国和日本作为世界上两个有重大影响力的国家,其相互友好合作关系发展的程度,对亚洲和世界和平与稳定有着重要的意义.冷战结束后,特别是进入21世纪,日本国内政治、社会、经济领域出现了新情况和新问题,给新时期中日关系的发展既创造了机遇,又形成了挑战.究其根源,在于日本国内新保守主义的发展.分析和研究新保守主义这种社会思潮,对于妥善解决中日两国间的分歧,寻求更大的利益汇同点,建立面向21世纪健康稳定的中日友好合作伙伴关系有着重要的价值.     

His(Tory): why British History needs Conservatives

British academia today is overwhelmingly left-leaning in its political orientation and especially pro-Labour. This article examines what impact this is having on British political history. It begins by demonstrating just how recent this left-wing preponderance is and how, as late as the 1990s, there remained a strong grouping of right-leaning political historians. This, the article argues, helps in part explain the relative vibrancy of political history in that era compared to today. Turning to the advantages a larger number of conservative voices would bring to the sub-discipline, the article identifies how those on the right are more likely to subscribe to different methodological approaches, have different historical interests and be interested in different kinds of political questions from their left-leaning colleagues. Most of all, it stresses how political diversity would help historians of every persuasion better recognise the ideological frameworks that inform their own work.     

Decrees,Laws, and Inter-Branch Relations in the Russian Federation

A UK-based political scientist presents a systematic analysis of the basic philosophical arguments and intellectual origins of fundamental conservative thought in Russia. Positing that fundamental conservatism seeks to displace interpretations of Western modernity in Russia with a culturally specific Russian version, she then probes more deeply into the methods and tasks of fundamental conservatism, before examining its main theoretical arguments. The fact that such thinking is increasingly prominent in Russia, including within political circles, is noted as a basis for the need to better understand it as a search for new forms of rationality and new forms of citizenship rooted in the Russian sociohistoric context.     

恶法亦法理论的历史寻踪及其价值

恶法亦法理论萌芽于苏格拉底,形成于奥斯丁。如果说良法理论催生了实质法治,那么,恶法亦法理论则催生了近代形式法治。恶法亦法理论在当代中国的价值表现为:它有助于中国在法治初级阶段强化规则意识;有助于解决当代中国法律难于实施的问题。归根结底,最根本的还是寄望以此解决中国法治的生根问题。有鉴于此,法学理论应从浪漫主义转为坚持法律保守主义。     

伦奎斯特人身保护法律思想的保守主义构造：以穷尽州法救济原则为中心的刑事判例研究

美国联邦法院人身保护是对州法院刑事被告提供的基本性申诉权利。伦奎斯特在人身保护法律制度的发展过程中起到了重要作用。前首席大法官坚持人身保护的保守主义法律路线,严格把握人身保护判例系统中的穷尽州法救济原则,强调社会稳定在犯罪狂潮中举步维艰,必须积极发挥各州法院审理刑事案件的地方性优势,防止联邦法院越俎代庖、顾此失彼。