试论中国美术在全球化趋势下的区域性独立

凸显在世界方方面面的全球化倾向是时下的热门话题，中国美术自然也不能回避其影响。梳理中国美术的历史脉络，面对新的机遇，迎接新的挑战，作者提出中国美术应该立足于本土而融入世界的区域性独立的观点。     

Regional Mobilization in the ‘New Europe’: A Research Agenda

This Special Issue re-assesses regional mobilization in the ‘New Europe’. We anticipate that enlargement to Central Europe, the entering into force of the Lisbon Treaty and the largest economic and financial crisis since the birth of the European Community have affected how regional governments respond to Europeanization along three different dimensions: (1) the position they take vis-à-vis the process of EU integration more generally, (2) the strategies they adopt in response to Europeanization pressures and (3) their internal structures and dynamics of the EU member states as multi-level states. The article introduces a framework and formulates hypotheses to examine why and how Europeanization pressures in the ‘New Europe’ affect regional mobilization along these three dimensions. In the final section, the article also introduces the various contributions to this Special Issue and relates them to the analytical framework.     

Unintended Consequences of State-building Projects in Contested States: The EU in Palestine

ABSTRACT

The existing literature on state-building has focused mainly on post-conflict cases and ‘conventional’ examples of statehood, without taking into consideration the particularities of states that remain internally and/or externally contested. The EU’s engagement in Palestinian state-building through the deployment of EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah has generated various types of unintended consequences: anticipated and unanticipated, positive and negative, desirable and undesirable, some of which fulfill and some of which frustrate the initial intention. These have important reverberations for the EU’s conflict resolution strategies in Israel and Palestine, the most important being the strengthening of power imbalances and the enforcement of the status quo.     

From sultanism to neopatrimonialism? Regionalism within Turkmenistan

This paper proposes that under President Berdimuhamedov, the government of Turkmenistan has begun to move away from the ‘sultanism’ of the Niyazov era. Instead, the new government exhibits characteristics and has pursued policy changes that prepare conditions for the further development and entrenchment of localized networks of elites based on kinship. Such changes suggest that the government of Turkmenistan may develop into a more classic neopatrimonial system of authoritarian governance similar to the other post-Soviet republics in Central Asia. This argument is advanced by examining changes between the governments of former President Niyazov and Berdimuhamedov with regard to three areas of the Turkmen state's relationship with its constituent regions: regional composition of the national cabinet; hakim (governor) policy; and regional development. This examination relies largely on a comprehensive survey of online Turkmen state-media sources, as well as numerous supportive secondary sources.     

浅析中国在东亚区域合作中提供公共产品的若干问题

20世纪90年代以来,东亚的区域合作已经取得了显著进展,但强调民族主义和跨国主义并存的东亚新区域主义的发展并不等于东亚一体化的形成,东亚区域合作仍然在不断整合当中.中国作为正在崛起中的大国,在东亚区域合作中担当着重要角色.中国能否在东亚区域合作中提供公共产品,以何种方式提供公共产品,在提供公共产品方面以何为现实依据,这不仅对东亚区域合作的成功与结构整合有重大意义,也将对东亚国际关系乃至整个世界格局产生重大影响.     

"东盟方式":现实与神话

对"东盟方式"的赞誉和批评都有着一定的历史背景,因此"东盟方式"也有其一定的现实性与神话性.前东盟秘书长舒云路所强调的法制以及著名学者阿查亚的"本土化"概念都为观察东南亚地区合作的发展提供了有益的新视角,作者主张使用历史和动态的眼光看待和评价"东盟方式".     

南亚地区合作:从地区认同的构建到地区主义的形成

冷战结束后,地理空间的认同取代了意识形态的认同,地区合作成为各国谋求进一步发展的重要手段和行动取向之一。由于历史和地缘政治的因素,南亚地区的两个大国印度和巴基斯坦一直没有实现关系正常化,阻碍了地区合作的进展。推进南亚地区合作,需要建立稳定的印巴关系,推进制度化建设,进行互信建设,以培育地区认同。合作安全应当是南亚地区合作的基本范式,能否实现其合作安全主要取决于印度对自身在南亚的身份定位及对参与南亚地区合作自我意识的建立。     

Electron democracy,populism, and generational politics: The case of the April 15, 2004 general election in South Korea

The primary purpose of this paper is to investigate the factors that influenced the results of the April 15, 2004 general election in South Korea. A backlash after the impeachment of President Roh Moo Hyun by a coalition of opposition parties in the National Assembly (NA) was the single most important factor that determined the election outcomes. Generational and regional differences in the parties voters supported and the “defeat movement” of citizens' organizations also had significant effects on the election processes. For the first time since the early 1960s a progressive party won a majority of the NA seats. Thirty-nine women members will serve in the 17th NA, the largest number ever, and the left-wing Democratic Labor Party became the third largest party by receiving 13 percent of the proportional representation votes. Generational and ideological shifts in the power elites seem to be evident in the election results.     

区域规划研究进展与我国区域规划重大问题探讨

区域发展规划作为对未来一定时空范围内经济、社会、资源环境等方面发展的总体部署,是国家协调发展关系与优化区域空间布局的重要政策和工具。在系统评述了国内外对区域规划在理念、理论与方法、效应评估和体制机制建设等方面的研究进展与趋势特征的基础上,针对新时代区域发展面临的新任务和新挑战,指出未来我国区域规划研究的重大理论问题是以新区域主义为导向,建构新时代中国区域规划理论新范式;重大现实问题包括四大内容:一是捋清我国区域规划历史与时空演进逻辑;二是构建中国特色区域规划评估体系,解决谁来评、评什么、何时评、如何评和给谁评五大核心评估问题;三是研究解决区域规划时效性与其目标有限性问题;四是兼顾宏观、中观和微观三个层面创新和完善新时代区域规划体制机制与政策。     

Limits of Devolution: Localism,Economics and Post‐democracy

This article challenges the narrowly founded but untroubled consensus about the alleged benefits of the Conservative government's devolution programme. It suggests that too much attention has been paid to purported benefits and too little regard to the potential risks, and draws attention to international evidence that suggests that the distribution of the benefits of devolution is crucially dependent on its design. It critically examines the case for the currently offered model of devolution and finds the underpinning economic model and limited forms of democratic accountability are likely to produce regressive social outcomes and the reinforcement of existing local elites. It calls for a wider public debate and fuller democratic scrutiny of the model of devolution on offer.