首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   623篇
  免费   43篇
各国政治   25篇
工人农民   43篇
世界政治   16篇
外交国际关系   31篇
法律   257篇
中国共产党   7篇
中国政治   30篇
政治理论   117篇
综合类   140篇
  2024年   2篇
  2023年   16篇
  2022年   4篇
  2021年   9篇
  2020年   20篇
  2019年   17篇
  2018年   10篇
  2017年   28篇
  2016年   19篇
  2015年   16篇
  2014年   28篇
  2013年   79篇
  2012年   39篇
  2011年   36篇
  2010年   32篇
  2009年   46篇
  2008年   36篇
  2007年   45篇
  2006年   34篇
  2005年   51篇
  2004年   36篇
  2003年   20篇
  2002年   16篇
  2001年   14篇
  2000年   5篇
  1999年   2篇
  1998年   2篇
  1994年   1篇
  1988年   1篇
  1987年   1篇
  1983年   1篇
排序方式: 共有666条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
ABSTRACT:

In the 2012 Korean presidential election, both liberal and conservative parties fought their campaigns on the slogan of “economic democratization,” marking a strong departure from past presidential elections and the growth-first policies of the then-incumbent conservative administration. Both parties pledged to tackle growing social polarization and the concentration of economic power by reforming the corporate governance of Korea's large, family-led conglomerates (chaebol), to the degree that chaebol reform itself became synonymous with economic democratization. This focus led to a series of heated exchanges among liberal-left reformers about the vision of economic democratization being promoted, with one camp favoring the creation of a “fair market” through the restructuring of the chaebol and another promoting the protection of the chaebol’s management rights over their affiliates as a desirable strategy for the creation of a Korean welfare state. This essay examines the long-standing tensions between these two liberal-left perspectives and argues that the capital-centric and market-based visions these camps promoted risk confining intellectual debate over the meaning of economic democracy within boundaries that serve dominant political interests.  相似文献   
112.
Abstract

The multimethod study assesses the perceptions of specialized domestic violence courts' processes with victims' experiences as the central focus. Perceptions of the traditional courts and specialized domestic violence courts are compared among victims, courtroom police, attorneys, judges and victim advocates. Domestic violence education among attorneys, judges, and victim advocates is also compared. Despite the intended improvements with the specialized court model, victims report similar problems in both court models. Safety and victims support among respondents is mixed. Professionals from the specialized court receive no more domestic violence education than those from the general court. Victims' and courtroom police recommendations are presented.  相似文献   
113.
张晓阳  李冬梅 《行政与法》2013,(12):106-109
企业社会责任是劳动权实现的保障与推动力.本文认为,传统的企业雇员责任仅指企业的经济责任和法律责任,现代企业雇员责任还应包含更高层次的道德要求.企业社会责任视域下的雇员责任,应当以工作环境权的保护为核心,通过法律建立起工作环境权的独立体系,完善劳动者工作环境权制度,落实和保障劳动者享有的实体性和程序性权利,鼓励职工参与企业的经营决策,从而真正地改善劳动环境,落实企业社会责任.  相似文献   
114.
As the policy discussions of historic preservation have become complicated in recent years, the advocacy for the use of heritage is now even more important, and the number of coalitions for promoting the economic value of heritage has been on the rise. This research provides a historical view of the development of advocacy coalition networks that actively pursue the benefits of heritage resources. Through this context, the article then examines a case study of the Wheeling National Heritage Area. The case exemplifies the framework of how coalition networks can provide the structure necessary to push preservation policy in government.  相似文献   
115.
在日本,公司治理的效力很早以前就成为较大的问题,很多人认为日本的许多经营者监督机制并没有发挥应有的作用,而是存在很多漏洞,这是因为日本的法律和现实情况之间存在很大的距离,比如日本的法律规定股东大会选任监事和董事,董事会和监事对董事或者代表董事进行监督,而在现实情况中,社长把握着极大的权力,可以选任自己的部下作为监事和董事,甚至在退休之后都可以垂帘听政。因此,20世纪90年代以后,日本引进了美国式的公司治理制度,但是这种公司治理制度改革不能认为是很成功的,以日本的失败经验为基础分析中国大型国有公司的公司治理问题很有参考价值,这就是日本没有从三个"谁"的视点进行改革。  相似文献   
116.
As the theoretical and practical interest in policy networks increases, so does the need for further research into how, and based on what rationales, actors within a policy subsystem engage in interorganizational collective action and form political coalitions. The aim of this paper is to continue the search for explanations for coordination and coalition structures in the setting of Swedish carnivore policy. Based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and a previous case study within the same policy subsystem, the study investigates a set of hypotheses regarding actors' coordinating behavior and the defining elements of coalitions. The empirical analysis indicates, in support of the ACF, that perceived belief correspondence is a better predictor of coordination than perceived influence. Moreover, the explanatory power of empirical policy core beliefs in general, and normative policy core beliefs in particular, is further reinforced, while deep core beliefs seemingly do not influence coalition structure. The relevance of more shallow beliefs for coalition formation cannot be dismissed and therefore calls for additional research.  相似文献   
117.
Looking at the formation of transnational advocacy networks, this article argues that central aspects evade attention unless approached from a discursive orientation. Utilizing interviews and first-person observation from a particular example of transnational mobilization—critical of negotiations to expand the World Trade Organization's General Agreement on Trade-in-Services—the article demonstrates how an expanded focus on discourse can help research better understand: (1) the self-driving momentum within networks through which those actors involved experience a reconstituted identity and affinity to one another; (2) the role played by earlier moments of collective action in providing both an infrastructure of pre-existing relations and politicization from which the network may draw upon; (3) the often porous character of campaign activity where there is rarely one but, in fact, many overlapping networks at play as part of a much wider discursive process; and (4) the role abstract signifiers such as ‘global’—as in ‘Global Campaign for?…’—play in framing the network despite an often uneven geographic distribution to campaign activity and power within the network.  相似文献   
118.
Abstract

Power's book examines how organizations are designed through risk-based science, law and managerial techniques. As organizations have come to think of, reform and govern themselves through the vague but powerful notion of risk, both the fortunes of the managers who conceive of these designs and the behaviour of the organizations themselves have been affected. Power develops four themes as he analyses the consequences of these moves towards risk management as governance. First, he notes the tensions that have emerged as risk management systems take in information about uncertainty in the operational environment and process it into risk, while simultaneously producing yet more uncertainty. Second, he offers an account of developments in the system of professions as the abstractions of mathematical risk analysts have lost ground to managerial approaches to the processing and uses of risk. Third, he applies neo-liberal notions of the individual to organizational behaviour in an analysis of the conflict between risk-embracing profit motives and risk-averse precautionary instincts. Fourth, he argues that the uptake of risk management techniques and discourses in organizations has fundamentally changed the way they view themselves and operate in the world. As better risk management through internal self-control has become the obvious solution to every problem, enterprise values and trust have imploded. We close our review with a critique of this implosion thesis, suggesting directions for future research for socio-legal, governance and organizational behaviour scholars.  相似文献   
119.
This study examines the evolution of Korean business groups after the economic crisis. In particular, we investigate the post-crisis changes in their business structure and corporate governance system, which are argued to be major precipitating factors leading to the economic crisis. Our analysis suggests that the divestment intensity of non-core, highly indebted and low intra-group trade firms was higher for groups which survived the economic crisis, compared to the bankrupt groups. Besides, most surviving groups did not pursue diversification as actively as before the crisis, and their financial conditions remained favourable in the post-crisis period. The corporate governance of the groups has also improved in terms of corporate transparency, implementation of monitoring mechanisms and their accountability to shareholders. Therefore, it seems that Korean business groups have successfully implemented radical corporate transformation to adapt to the changed business environment after the crisis. But, the dominance of family management still remains as an important feature of Korean business groups.  相似文献   
120.
本文用社会网络和统计分析方法对浙江省144家上市公司2009年的连锁董事网络进行了研究分析,发现浙江省连锁董事网络具有幂律分布的特征.在此基础上,通过NLS回归分析发现,浙江上市公司连锁董事网络的“质”中心度与企业绩效正相关,“量”中心度与企业绩效负相关,连锁董事网络的行业趋同度和地域趋同度也与企业绩效负相关,利用OLS回归分析进行稳健性检验,发现这些实证结论依然稳健.基于这些实证结果,本文在理论上的贡献在于:证明了连锁董事网络具有异质性特征;连锁董事网络中心度,在“质”和“量”上对企业的绩效贡献迥异;上市公司要发挥连锁董事网络实质性的绩效贡献,宜强化“质”的耕耘、而非“量”的拓展,力求构建异质网络、避免过度嵌入与趋同.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号